South Africa Archives - Page 2 of 2 - Solidariteit Beweging

BELA Act – the clear, red line

Posted on October 7, 2024 by anneke

South African parents draw a clear red line when it comes to their children. “It is my child, my language, my community, my school!” thousands of concerned parents declared as President Cyril Ramaphosa announced that he would sign the BELA (Basic Education Laws Amendment) Bill within 48 hours.

It is important to note that the South African school system is founded on public schools, rather than state-owned schools. These schools are partially funded by the government and offer education in languages, such as Afrikaans, English and other indigenous languages.

Public schools are funded in two ways. The majority of schools depend on the government for financial support, while others are supported by the community.

There is no denying that the government is failing the schools that depend solely on them for funding. Examples of how they fail these schools are, amongst other things, a lack of resources, overcrowded classrooms, and a lack of teachers. Sometimes learners even do not have desks to sit at in school. This contributes to and results in extremely poor performance among learners. The aforementioned does not even include major infrastructural problems experienced at these schools. For example, in 2024 several incidents had been reported where primary school learners had drowned in pit latrines because the schools do not have toilets.

The government seemingly encourages schools to function with the support of the community. At these community-supported schools, the school’s governing body decides on the school’s admission and language policies, and the values that are taught at the school. The governing body usually consists of parents and community members. The learners’ performance in these schools is usually high because the governing body and community values mother-tongue education which is embodied in the school’s language policies.

Single-medium Afrikaans schools are amongst these schools that show exceptional performance by learners. Many Afrikaans schools benefit from active parental and community involvement, which fosters a supportive learning environment. There is an emphasis on Afrikaans culture and heritage, creating a sense of belonging and motivation for students.

Instruction in Afrikaans allows students to develop strong language skills, which can enhance their overall academic performance. Most Afrikaans schools prioritise a rigorous academic curriculum, emphasising critical thinking and problem-solving skills. A strong sense of discipline and values is instilled, which contributes to a positive and disciplined school culture.

Some schools maintain lower student-teacher ratios, allowing for more individualised attention and support. A variety of extracurricular activities, including sports and arts, help develop well-rounded students.

With BELA, the government wishes to transform the 5% of these well-structured, community-supported schools to become part of the 80% dysfunctional government-supported schools.

The BELA Act might be the government of national unity’s (GNU) first test. It will affect the trust between the different political parties, but more importantly the trust of the Afrikaans community in the GNU to also protect the minorities’ needs.

What is the BELA Act?

BELA is simply an amendment to the South African Schools Act (SASA) (No. 84 of 1996) and the Educators Employment Act (No. 76 of 1998).

The purpose of the amendment is to bring equality to the school system and to change the wording to better suit the South Africa of 2024.

To be clear, the entire BELA is not malicious. Some laws surely need amendment to improve the school system and close the gaps to ensure that all children receive their right to education. However, the act in its totality is flawed. Here are some of the sections in BELA that are controversial (sourced from News24):

Making Grade R the new compulsory level to start school: The provision of Grade R is currently not part of the mandatory basic education mandate, and it is managed within the broader context of early childhood development as regulated by the Education White Paper 5 of 2021. Grade R would be expanded to 7 888 schools where it is not yet offered.
Criminalising parents who don’t ensure their children go to school: BELA addresses this matter by threatening parents with possible imprisonment. BELA also adds that anyone who prevents or intentionally disturbs school activities is guilty of violating the law and is punishable by a prison sentence of a maximum of 12 months.
Homeschooling: The amendment provides that the Head of the department may when considering an application, require a delegated official to conduct a pre-registration site visit. It also provides that the Minister of Basic Education may institute regulations relating to the registration and administration of home education. The Department said the amendment to homeschooling acknowledges the fact that some parents do not feel comfortable sending their children to public schools.
Language policy: This section seeks to amend section 6 of the SASA Act to provide for the governing body to submit the language policy of a public school and any amendment thereof to the Head of the Education Department for approval. The language policy must also consider the language needs of the broader community.
Sale of alcohol on school premises: This section deals with matters about the possession, consumption, or sale of liquor during any private function held on the school premises.
Religion: BELA stipulates that schools’ code of conduct be sensitive to cultural beliefs and religious observances. The code of conduct must also contain a section which allows pupils to request an exemption from complying with certain parts of the code of conduct.
Corporal punishment: BELA reaffirms that corporal punishment is no longer allowed at schools. It proposes that a person who carries out corporal punishment pay a fine or be sentenced to prison.

Concerns about the Language Policy in the Act

The Language Policy in the Act disempowers schools from choosing their language of instruction. Read between the lines, this section aims to exploit and target single-language and mother-tongue education schools to change their language policies.

Some Afrikaans schools in Pretoria have already been threatened by the provisions in this section should this section be implemented. Afrikaans schools are high-performing schools and achieve excellent results each year, mainly because of the quality of teaching received in learners’ mother tongue.

Changing these schools’ main language of instruction to English puts the learners at a disadvantage and denies them the opportunity to learn and perform in their mother tongue. Afrikaans schools are also at the centre of the Afrikaans culture where teachers can freely teach and realise the values of the community.

The mother tongue argument is not just about Afrikaans or language in general; it is about protecting traditional and cultural language communities throughout South Africa. The government does not value mother tongue education and disregards it.

“We regard the signing of this Bill into an Act as an act of aggression towards and a breach of the relationship of trust with the Afrikaans community. The signing undermines the spirit of unity of the national government,” said Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity at the time of the signing of the Bill.

Various institutions associated with the Solidarity Movement and other stakeholders put considerable pressure on the President to refrain from signing the Bill. As a result, the President has chosen to postpone the enactment of the sections dealing with language policy and school admission in the Act pending further negotiation. In the meantime, institutions like Solidarity and AfriForum are preparing for legal action, mass protests and negotiations with key role players.

Implications of these sections of the Act are to be implemented

According to the section on Language Policy, a public school should adjust the language to serve the broader public represented in an area. If this is the criteria, there is no region where Afrikaans or any other language will outweigh the English-speaking community in numbers.

This will mean the end of all single-medium public schools and mother-tongue education. This also has an enormous impact on the job stability of educators.

Should parents wish to teach their children in Afrikaans or a different language, they would have to pay expensive amounts to send their children to private schools, which few parents can afford.

The new provision of homeschooling in the Act will also make it difficult for parents and educators to decide upon the curriculum they wish to follow.

What is the way forward?

Before a Bill or an Act is signed in South Africa, the public has the opportunity to submit written comments or feedback that should be considered in the law-making process. In the case of the BELA Bill, the analysis of the Portfolio Committee on Basic Education of the public comments received showed that only 1,4% were positive towards the Bill. Thus, the President signed a Bill that suits only 1,4% of the public.

The Minister of Basic Education boycotted the signing ceremony of the Bill to show her opposition to the Bill. The government can expect mass resistance and protests from inside and outside the GNU until a final decision future announcement is made.

The outcome of the differences on BELA will be the first real test for the GNU. Should President Cyril Ramaphosa enact all the sections of the Bill, the Solidarity Movement will continue its battle against it in court. There is still hope regardless of the outcome of the current process.

The Afrikaans community has shown its power and resilience in standing together and supporting each other through its application of self-governance. Plans to open a private Afrikaans primary school in Pretoria are already being put into action. In 2028 the new campus of Akademia, an Afrikaans tertiary education institution, will also open its doors. No Act or signature can keep us from speaking our language and realising our culture freely in the country of our birth.

The Solidary Movement’s focus is to fight for a space where Afrikaners can live freely, safely and prosperously at the southernmost tip of Africa.

International Perspective 2

Posted on September 27, 2024September 27, 2024 by anneke

After 30 years: Uncertainty, fluidity and a political crossroads ahead for SA

Dear friends, acquaintances and interested parties abroad

In this second edition of our international newsletter, we discuss the new government in South Africa and the risks and opportunities that political change brings for South Africans, but also for our friends abroad.

Kind regards

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison

Solidarity Movement, South Africa

Introduction

From New South Africa to Next South Africa: A new phase, filled with opportunity and risk

The past three decades in South Africa have been known as the post-apartheid era, or as the era of the New South Africa. After an earthshattering election in May 2024, in which the African National Congress (ANC) lost its majority in parliament for the first time since 1994, it is clear that the country has entered a new era. The post-apartheid era has always been characterised by the ANC as the representative of the millions of black South Africans who had been excluded from the democratic dispensation before 1994. For these South Africans, the ANC was the vehicle to realise their aspirations, dreams and hopes. However, it became clear, especially during the last decade, that a large section of these South Africans began to lose their patience with the ANC. The combination of poor service delivery, decaying infrastructure, violent and other crimes and the rise in unemployment and poverty proved to be enough for millions of voters who had voted for the ANC in 1994. Along with this, there is a whole new generation of young South Africans today who have little to no hope in politics, and especially in the ANC.

MK and apathy reason for ANC loss of majority

The result of all of this is that the ANC’s dwindling support levels turned into a dramatic loss of support. The party’s support dropped to 40%, and with it, the party lost the parliamentary majority it had over the past three decades. The ANC’s poor performance at the polls can be attributed to two things mainly. The breakaway of the Jacob Zuma faction from the ANC and the resultant rise of the MK party, especially in KwaZulu-Natal, was responsible for more than half of the ANC’s loss of support. Compared to previous elections, the balance of the loss in votes can be ascribed to the stay-away vote. In 2024, the voting percentage among black South Africans dropped to the lowest level since 1994. Black South Africans who have had enough of the ANC’s mismanagement voted for opposition parties in very small numbers – most of them either voted for the MK or simply did not vote at all. Less than 40% of all eligible potential voters in South Africa voted. Of the 27,7 million registered voters only 16,2 million cast their vote. After the participation peak of 89,3% in 1999, the voting percentage dropped to 58,6% in 2024. There are, however, another 13 million adult South Africans who did not even bother to register to vote. Thus, out of a total of more than 40 million eligible voters, only 16 million participated in the election.

The reason for the elevated levels of apathy among black South Africans, in particular, is precisely the feeling that politics, and specifically democracy, no longer offers solutions to their challenges. According to a 2024 study conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, 57% of South Africans are dissatisfied with democracy in South Africa.

A new political era for South Africa

After this year’s general election, it was clear that the ANC would have to form coalitions with other parties at national level, but also in some of the provinces, to establish a stable government. The choice was clear – either cooperation with radical leftist parties such as the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or cooperation with more centrist parties such as the Democratic Alliance (the classical liberal party and second largest party in the country), the Inkatha Freedom Party (a conservative and traditional Zulu party), the Freedom Front Plus Party (a party representing conservative Afrikaner interests), the Patriotic Alliance (a populistic coloured party) and some other smaller parties.

The ANC’s decision to choose the latter option was considered to be a wise choice by a majority of South Africans as well as by the international community. Since the announcement of a Government of National Unity (GNU) which, in practice, is for all intents and purposes a multi-party coalition, there is renewed hope that South Africa can begin to address its problems.

The new Government of National Unity offers opportunities for participation by former opposition parties, especially the Democratic Alliance, the Inkatha Freedom Party and the Freedom Front Plus. During the first few months of this new government, however, it was clear that the ANC will still do everything in its power to impose its own policy preferences on the new government, with few concessions being made to other parties.

An important question over the next months, especially in the run-up to South Africa’s next municipal election in 2026, will be whether the parties that currently form part of the GNU will succeed in keeping the government going, in the midst of an extremely assertive ANC which will often try to continue governing as a majority party. The absence of mechanisms to limit the ANC’s influence within the government is something that already presents a challenge for some parties.

Still huge challenges ahead for South Africa

However, it is important to realise that 2024 is not 1994. South Africa is experiencing major challenges with its infrastructure that has collapsed into total disrepair over the past three decades. Crime rates have reached the highest levels ever. Corruption has become part of the culture at all levels of government and will be very difficult to eradicate. The national debt is the highest ever.

However, it is clear that foreign investment is already returning to South Africa after a major capital outflow during the past few years. The fact that load shedding (the systematic application of scheduled electricity outages over the past 12 years) has largely come to an end, together with the establishment of a moderate multi-party government, contributes to new global optimism about South Africa.

For the optimism to remain sustainable the government will have to do more to fight corruption, reduce crime, improve infrastructure and ensure a general climate of investor confidence.

In a manner of speaking, the New South Africa is being replaced by the Next South Africa. The country is now entering a new era. The new coalition government is still facing major political challenges to stay in place, establishing sustainable governments in provinces and at municipal level, and ultimately, preventing radical populist groupings from reversing the reconstruction process.

The Next South Africa is a phase offering great opportunity to improve confidence through more transparent and stable governance, leading to much-needed economic growth and job creation. Then the preservation of skills that are still flowing out of the country also becomes possible. The risks of a return to the disastrous 2010s of corruption, stagflation, increasing crime and the total decay of social cohesion are still a reality. Over the next year or two, and especially in the run-up to the municipal elections in 2026, we will have to see if South Africa can capitalise on the new window period of optimism that has opened up after the 2024 elections.

Five challenges facing the Next South Africa

As mentioned above, South Africa has huge challenges to face over the next months and years. In this International Perspective, however, I am going to focus particularly on five of these challenges because it is also of international importance that South Africa and specifically the new government here make the right decisions and take the right steps to finally put South Africa on a path of internal recovery, but also to strengthen the country’s international position.

Economic growth

South Africa’s economy grew by just 0,6% in 2023, after already sluggish growth of only 1,9% in 2022. Levels of economic growth that could lead to a drop in unemployment in South Africa were last seen during the 2000s. Economic growth of barely 1% is expected for this year.

There are several reasons for the stagnation of the South African economy over the past 15 years. While economic growth for the first 15 years after 1994 often was between 5% and 6%, since 2009 it has mainly been between 1% and 2% per year. With inflation mostly between 4% and 10% over the past 15 years, coupled with a sharply increasing population, these 15 years of low economic growth have been catastrophic for South Africa’s unemployment rate, poverty levels and government finances.

The period of low economic growth coincides with a period of serious corruption and the decay of infrastructure. Massive corruption that drastically increased input costs in state-owned companies, coupled with so-called load shedding (daily scheduled electricity cuts) caused by severe electricity shortages, were probably the main reasons for the low economic growth in the last 15 years.

However, what is increasingly contributing to low economic growth and a loss of foreign investment is the policy environment in South Africa. Continued populist policy proposals such as the expropriation of property without compensation, which seriously threatens property rights, stricter black economic empowerment laws (the strictest such intervention worldwide currently) which create room for corruption, lead to skill losses, discourage foreign investment and bring extra costs for the government in its procurement policy, all contribute to a policy environment that inhibits economic growth.

In May last year, there was a huge outflow of foreign investment in South Africa after a diplomatic dispute arose between South Africa and the United States of America. The South African government has not yet considered the effect of its foreign policy, and specifically its ties with Russia, Iran and even China, and the impact it has on foreign investment. South Africa’s decision to try to take the lead in a case against Israel at the World Court, while our country actually is not only geographically but also economically completely removed from the Middle East, has also not contributed to positive sentiment towards South Africa in places such as New York and London.

Ultimately, South Africa could easily fall back into a position of anarchy, or populist forces in the ANC could gain the upper hand, should economic growth not be achieved by the current government. The fact that load shedding has come to an end and that there have been no electricity outages for almost six months now is a very positive trend.

Foreign investment is badly needed and bringing it back sustainably will require a broad-based approach, which includes drastic improvements to infrastructure, a substantial reduction in corruption and other crimes, especially violent crimes, and broad investment confidence based on a stable policy environment that ensures property rights and impose fewer regulations on the private sector. Six out of ten (62%) South Africans trust the business sector to do the right thing, according to the Edelman Trust Barometer 2024. It is essential that the government should create space for the private sector to contribute to the economic recovery of the country and even play a leading role in it.

Violent crime and corruption

Last year, an average of 85 people were murdered per day in South Africa. Since 1994, more than half a million murders have been committed in the country. Serious violent crimes in South Africa reached the highest levels ever by the end of 2023.

Along with this, South Africa has been increasingly affected by extensive levels of corruption in recent years. Corruption is particularly a problem at all levels of government – local, provincial and national – but is also increasing at other levels of society, including the private sector.

Investigating crimes in South Africa and successfully prosecuting criminals with too few police members and especially detectives, weak courts including often inexperienced and even incompetent public prosecutors and magistrates, is still one of the country’s biggest challenges.

South Africa was greylisted by the global financial crime watchdog Financial Action Task Force (FATF) in February 2023 for not complying with international standards around the prevention of money laundering, terrorist financing and proliferation financing. This creates a further challenge for the South African economy because the perception exists that South Africa’s legal system has weakened to such an extent that even international crime groups and syndicates can easily operate from South Africa, continuing their activities such as money laundering and the financing of terrorist activities, especially in Africa. It currently looks like South Africa will only be removed from the FATF’s grey list in late 2025 at the earliest.

The crime problem in South Africa therefore is multifaceted. Common crimes and violent crimes are rooted in broken communities, poverty, unemployment and a culture of criminality. However, the problem is much greater, with extensive corruption and even international criminal activities that threaten to engulf South Africa.

The new minister of police is without a doubt more capable than his predecessor, who inspired little confidence over the past few years. However, it will take drastic steps, comprehensive leadership and major plans to curb the crime problem in South Africa. We are currently seeing too little of that.

Infrastructure

Since 2016, public sector capital expenditure has steadily declined by R82 billion. This represents a decrease of 29%, according to Statistics SA. In particular, it is the many large state-owned companies, provincial governments and local governments that have reduced infrastructure owing to a growing debt burden, unsustainable and rapidly growing staff costs and rising corruption.

South Africa’s electricity problems, which caused serious damage to the economy, were followed by a systematic collapse of some rail services, huge problems at ports, a general deterioration in roads and nowadays also serious problems with water supply.

It is essential that South Africa’s credit rating should improve. S&P Global Ratings

has put the country’s foreign currency rating at “BB-/B” and local currency rating at “BB/B” with a stable outlook. This can hopefully start to improve by next year if the improvement in electricity supply can be followed by solutions to problems in rail transport, ports and roads. Along with this, it is essential that the state’s finances must improve, in light of the current increase in debt which is unsustainable and which means that less money can be spent on infrastructure.

The Government of National Unity has no doubt raised hopes that some infrastructure problems will be better resolved. While better ministers have been appointed in various portfolios, it is, however, necessary that more powers of supervision and control over infrastructure must be devolved to provinces. The scale of corruption in infrastructure spending is still a huge problem.

One of South Africa’s weakest points is the state of municipalities. During the 2022/2023 financial year, the auditor-general identified a total of 268 substantial irregularities in the country’s 257 municipalities which led to a loss of more than R5 billion. Only 29% of municipalities received clean audits during this period, which means that only 34 of the 257 municipalities received a clean audit, compared to the already low number of 38 in the previous financial year.

Most of South Africa’s municipalities are almost dysfunctional with little service delivery such as refuse removal, water supply and road repairs. Many municipalities spend more than 80% of their budgets on salaries and have little, if any, money left to improve infrastructure. A huge task lies ahead for the capable leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party, Velenkosini Hlabisa, who in the GNU was tasked, among other things, with helping municipalities get their act together.

Service delivery

A majority of South Africans have lost their trust in the government. The new GNU offers a glimmer of hope for many, but people are wary of getting too optimistic. High expectations of better service delivery, including housing, medical care, social care, education, post-school training, public transport and access to clean water, sewerage, electricity and other municipal services, were the order of the day during the 1990s and early 2000s. Since then, however, it has faded.

Over the past two decades, large protests, sometimes even violent, have increased in South Africa. This is mostly related to problems with service delivery. Service delivery is also one of the most important political issues for a majority of South Africans.

The reason why I highlight this as one of the most important current challenges is the effect it can have on political stability in South Africa in the run-up to the next municipal election. Voters, with good reason, link municipal elections directly to service delivery, and for this reason the extent to which service delivery improves or deteriorates over the next almost two years can have a significant effect on the political balance of power in South Africa.

Populist parties such as the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MK) are going to use problems with service delivery to their advantage over the next months to turn voters against the GNU, but also to radicalise voters, to increase protests and even violence and to fuel political tension.

While the GNU has a primary task of stabilising the national government in South Africa, particularly in terms of the state’s finances, combating crime and corruption and creating a climate conducive to economic growth, it is also essential that substantial evidence of an improvement in service delivery will have to be shown.

In one field, education, it has been clear lately that populists are prepared to try to transform the small amount of successful schools that could harm education in South Africa even further.

Foreign relations

South Africa’s foreign relations have suffered greatly in recent years. Under the leadership of the previous minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Naledi Pandor, South Africa’s relationship with the United States, but also with other Western countries, suffered a lot. This was mainly due to South Africa’s close cooperation with Russia, Iran and China and South Africa’s numerous pronouncements against Israel.

Although there are huge opportunities for South Africa in the broadening of its foreign relations, also within the BRICS grouping, South Africa’s ties with the West are still essential for economic success.

This year, like last year, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa was not invited to the G7 summit (held in Japan and Italy, respectively) after the South African head of state had been invited every year for twenty years before that. It is clear that there is great concern among all the G7 countries about South Africa’s reliability as a non-aligned country.

Although Western countries are comfortable with South Africa as a non-aligned country, for the last few years it increasingly seems that South Africa’s words and actions on this do not match. A huge task lies ahead to restore this trust.

The best opportunity for South Africa is the G20 summit that will take place in South Africa in 2025. In the run-up to this summit, South Africa can reaffirm its position as the gateway to Africa for countries in the West and the Global South. However, this will require a much greater degree of restraint in the country’s foreign relations – something that has yet to happen.

If South Africa wants to solve its problems of stagnation, smarter foreign relations, which strengthen trust and therefore lead to greater investments and stronger trade relations, are essential. The GNU should regard this as a primary objective.

Summary

The Government of National Unity has transformed strong feelings of apathy, public displeasure and even anger among South Africans into feelings of hope and optimism. However, these feelings will not last long if concrete successes, especially economic, in the fight against crime and in the improvement of service delivery and infrastructure, are not achieved.

The GNU is also viewed with cautious optimism internationally. Worldwide, South Africa is still regarded as a country of huge potential. Owing to the growth in population, but also economic growth in Africa, many multinational companies still consider South Africa as the ideal country to serve as a starting point for business in Africa.

Fifteen things must be accomplished by the end of 2025, i.e. 15 months from now, to show that the phase of decay in South Africa has been successfully reversed:

Plans for land expropriation without compensation must not proceed and property rights must be confirmed.
The state’s finances must be better controlled, with the debt burden in particular to be reduced so that the country’s credit rating can improve.
Foreign investors must be lured back by offering a stable policy environment that is more favourable to foreign investment.
Economic growth must rise substantially – higher than what is currently expected.
South Africa must be removed from the international grey list.
Accomplices to state capture must be prosecuted and corruption in the public service must be actively curbed with a national strategy to track down and successfully prosecute corrupt public service officials.
The criminal justice system needs to be improved in its entirety, with the police, courts and prisons all having to play a greater role in contributing to the eradication of crime.
The incidence of crime, especially violent crimes, must begin to decrease with a clear plan from the government and police to reduce crime sustainably.
The problems with South Africa’s rail service and ports must be addressed with a clear improvement in the handling of freight transport.
South Africa must go to great lengths to reassert its position as a truly non-aligned country, which will require greater caution in dealing with Russia, Iran and similar countries.
A favourable G20 summit must be presented where South Africa presents itself within the context of “New to Next South Africa”.
The loss of skills must be curtailed by making it attractive for skilled and competent South Africans to stay in South Africa.
Minority rights must be better protected and the extremely high levels of discrimination against minorities, such as the current attack on schools where Afrikaans is the language of instruction, must be stopped.
Civil society must organise itself even better and act as an important guardian over the priorities of the GNU to be a source of moderate criticism and deliver constructive criticism and concrete proposals, in contrast to the criticism of left-populist (and often hateful) groups.
The proposed national dialogue, which was put forward even before the election and since then has been especially encouraged by former President Thabo Mbeki and organisations such as the Solidarity Movement, must take place with a focus on allowing a broader segment of South African society effective participation in the future of South Africa.

The next 15 months are likely to be a critical period for South Africa. Prior to the election in May, the country was on the brink of becoming a failed state. While there are signs of hope and optimism, this certainly does not mean that the country now is in a safer position away from the precipice. The international community must play a role in influencing South Africa’s policy environment, remain economically involved and especially help strengthen democracy, help promote minority rights and create a platform where the future of South Africa can be discussed and considered from different quarters, and not only from the position of the ANC, which now is no longer a majority government.

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison, Solidarity Movement

South Africa entering a new phase, filled with opportunity and risk

Posted on September 5, 2024 by anneke

However, it became clear, especially during the last decade, that a large section of these South Africans began to lose their patience with the ANC. The combination of poor service delivery, decaying infrastructure, violent and other crimes and the rise in unemployment and poverty proved to be enough for millions of voters who had voted for the ANC in 1994. Along with this, there is a whole new generation of young South Africans today who have little to no hope in politics, and especially in the ANC.

In 2024, the voting percentage among black South Africans dropped to the lowest level since 1994. Black South Africans who have had enough of the ANC’s mismanagement voted for opposition parties in very small numbers – most of them either voted for the MK or simply did not vote. Less than 40% of all eligible potential voters in South Africa voted. Of the 27.7 million registered voters only 16.2 million cast their vote. After the participation peak of 89.3% in 1999, the voting percentage has dropped to 58.6% in 2024. There are, however, another 13 million adult South Africans who did not even bother to register to vote. Thus, out of a total of more than 40 million eligible voters, only 16 million participated in the election.

The reason for the elevated levels of apathy among black South Africans, in particular, is precisely the feeling that politics, and specifically democracy, no longer offer solutions for their challenges. According to a 2024 study, conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, 57% of South Africans are dissatisfied with democracy in South Africa.

After this year’s general election, it was clear that the ANC would have to form coalitions with other parties at national level, but also in some of the provinces to establish a stable government. The choice was clear – either cooperation with radical leftist parties such as the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or cooperation with more centrist parties such as the Democratic Alliance (the classical liberal party and second largest party in the country), the Inkatha Freedom Party (a conservative and traditional Zulu party) and the Freedom Plus Party (a party representing conservative Afrikaner interests), The Patriotic Alliance (a populistic colored party) and some other smaller parties.

The ANC’s decision to choose the latter option was considered to be a wise choice by a majority of South Africans as well as by the international community. Since the announcement of a Government of National Unity which, in practice, is for all intents and purposes a multi-party coalition, there is renewed hope that South Africa can begin to address its problems.

However, it is important to realize that 2024 is not 1994. South Africa is experiencing major challenges with its infrastructure that has collapsed into total disrepair over the past three decades. Crime rates have reached the highest levels ever. Corruption has become part of the culture at all levels of government, and it will be very difficult to eradicate it. The national debt is the highest ever.

However, it is clear foreign investment is already returning to South Africa after a major capital outflow during the past few years. The fact that load-shedding (the systematic application of scheduled electricity outages over the past 12 years) has largely come to an end, together with the establishment of a moderate multi-party government contributes to new global optimism about South Africa.

For the optimism to remain sustainable the government will have to do more to fight corruption, reduce crime, improve infrastructure and ensure a general climate of investor confidence.

The Next South Africa is a phase offering great opportunity to improve confidence through clearer, stable governance, leading to much-needed economic growth and job creation. Then the preservation of skills that are still flowing out of the country also becomes possible. The risks of a return to the disastrous 2010s of corruption, stagflation, increasing crime and the total decay of social cohesion are still a reality. Over the next year or two, and especially in the run-up to the municipal elections in 2026, we will have to see if South Africa can capitalize on the new window period of optimism that has opened up after the 2024 elections.

The Solidarity Movement, Afrikaners and the challenges we face

Posted on September 4, 2024September 4, 2024 by anneke

Flip Buys | Chairperson: Solidarity Movement

Afrikaners are the only indigenous Western community in Africa, and they have named themselves (Afrikaners), their language (Afrikaans) and many of their institutions after the name of the continent.

As a community of 2,7 million people, Afrikaners have often been called the “white tribe of Africa”. Afrikaners want to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of South Africa and of all its people. For this reason, the Solidarity Movement is trying to create the conditions for Afrikaners to remain in South Africa, being sustainably free, safe and prosperous. The majority of Afrikaners are involved in the Solidarity Movement, a network of community organizations with more than 600 000 members. The Movement’s strategy is to provide services there where the state cannot, does not want to or should not provide services.

Most Afrikaners are Christians, subscribing to conservative values such as:

A belief in the Rule of Law;
A free market economy;
Democracy and individual rights;
Federalism;
Good relations with black compatriots and African states;
Maintaining strong ties with the West; and
Preserving the Afrikaner’s language (Afrikaans) and culture.

The main challenges we are currently facing are:

SA has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world, namely 33%; (The reason for it lies in the ANC’s leftist policies in particular. The ANC is still formally in alliance with the South African Communist Party and with socialist trade unions.)
The ANC-led government of national unity’s ties with states such as China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela and Cuba, as well as organizations such as Hamas, and the ANC’s increasingly dismissive attitude towards the West.
State decay as illustrated by this map

Municipal water and sanitation compliance

The ANC did not abolish the racial dispensation after 1994 but simply reversed it and put it under new management. Few people know that research by the Free Market Foundation (FMF) and the South Africa Institute of Race Relations found that 116 new racial laws have been passed since the ANC came into power 30 years ago

Violent crime;
Official policies such as expropriation without compensation which undermine economic confidence;

The Solidarity Movement is currently building the cultural infrastructure so that Afrikaners can stay on in South African and can make a sustainable contribution towards the well-being of the country and all its people.

State decay and racial legislation have forced Afrikaners to become more state-resistant and self-reliant. That is why the Movement has more than 20 self-help organizations providing services such as education, training, a proper “state of work” (job security), safety, municipal infrastructure, heritage conservation and the promotion of the Rule of Law. We also assist black communities with agricultural projects also for the sake of better food security.

Our current flagship project is a comprehensive project to build a university campus for our fast-growing Christian university, Akademia. We are also planning an independent Afrikaans schools’ network in response to the government’s policy to centralize control over schools even more.

This is but one example of the ANC government’s breach of the country’s Constitution and the historic 1994 Agreement.

The purpose of the Solidarity Movement’s international liaison is to create awareness about the state of affairs in South Africa and to garner support for our views and self-help projects.

Academics from Hillsdale College visit South Africa

Posted on August 23, 2024August 23, 2024 by anneke

Three highly educated and respected academic personnel from Hillsdale College in Michigan, USA, took a trip to South Africa where they encountered insightful and meaningful experiences they can take home.

David Whalen, Mark Kalthoff and Mark Maier engaged with the students and personnel of Akademia through insightful lectures about various topics on the liberal arts.

Hillsdale College is an independent institution of higher learning founded in 1844 by men and women “grateful to God for the inestimable blessings” resulting from civil and religious liberty and “believing that the diffusion of learning is essential to the perpetuity of these blessings”.

In simpler terms, Hilldale defines itself as “a small, Christian, classical liberal arts college in Southern Michigan that operates independently of government funding”.

Their teachings specialize in liberal arts, focusing on classical fundamentals, timeless truths and inspirational teaching. The college also considers itself a trustee of our Western philosophical and theological inheritance tracing to Athens and Jerusalem, a heritage finding its clearest expression in the American experiment of self-government under law.

“Liberal learning produces cultivated citizens with minds disciplined and furnished through wide and deep study of old books by wise authors,” wrote Mark Kalthoff, PhD.

Professors from Hillsdale College gave lectures at Akademia

By training people in the liberal arts, Hillsdale College prepares them to become well-educated and virtuous citizens willing to defend the blessing of civil and religious freedom Americans have inherited from their Founders.

During their visit, the professors got the opportunity to learn more about the Solidarity Movement and its institutions. Sol-Tech, AfriForum, Kanton, Solidarity, and the Voortrekker Monument were all part of the tour.

“I haven’t stopped learning since I got here,” Dr Whalen laughed. “This is my first time visiting South Africa, and I didn’t know what to expect. Seeing the institutions, learning more about the Afrikaner culture and connecting with nature has been a wonderful experience thus far.”

Dr. David M. Whalen teaches English at Hillsdale College

Leaders of the Solidarity Movement visited Hillsdale in the past and explained how they took inspiration from the Hillsdale campus and community to implement it at Akademia and Sol-Tech.

Inspiration such as the sense of community and the Christian values and ethics, among other things, were taken from Hillsdale and implemented successfully at Akademia and Sol-Tech. Another similarity is that Hillsdale is independent of government funding and values, and follows a more conservative, old-school ideology.

Whalen was also amazed by the enthusiasm of the Akademia students and personnel. “These persons have so much interest in the liberal arts and asks deep and intelligent questions. Their enthusiasm and interest reminded me to never take my work for granted.”

Although lectures and intellectual conversations are intriguing, the highlight of their visit – all three professors agree on this – was during their stay at Dinokeng Nature Reserve when a pride of lions roamed just outside their tent.

The Solidarity Movement is always proud to welcome international guests. We wish these professors from Hillsdale College a safe flight back home and we hope they are inspired to continue the great work in their field. We sincerely hope they value what they have learned from us as much as we value what we have learned from them.

Solidarity’s fight against the National Health Insurance (NHI) Act

Posted on July 30, 2024July 30, 2024 by anneke

What is the National Health Insurance Act?

National Health Insurance (NHI), under state control, is proposed as the single purchaser of all healthcare in South Africa. One of the most notable problems with this proposition is that as soon as a specific service is covered by the NHI, it would become illegal to receive it through any means other than the NHI. The state would therefore not just be the single purchaser, but would effectively control which health services would be available in South Africa, as well as how and by whom those services may be provided.

In June last year the National Assembly agreed to the National Health Insurance (NHI) Bill making provision for the introduction of the NHI, and in December the Bill was also approved by the National Council of Provinces. Weeks before the national election in May 2024, President Cyril Ramaphosa signed the Bill into law. This Act sets out to offer “free” healthcare to all citizens, including expensive medical procedures currently done in private hospitals. Although it seems like a noble notion, it is however important to note that the free healthcare the government already provides in state hospitals and clinics is already unsustainable and these facilities are in unthinkably awful conditions. The NHI is an unaffordable attempt from the state which would drastically cut the income of its citizens, as it would be mainly funded by a very small number of taxpayers.

The Minister of Finance did not budget for a reasonable amount for the implementation of the NHI, which implies that the Treasury does not foresee the actual implementation of the NHI in the near future. This was also the case with the previous submissions of the Bill, and now, with the Bill having been passed, the officials concerned still did not provide for this constitutional requirement.

Even so, the funding structure proposed in the NHI Bill makes provision for a new payroll tax, as well as for a surcharge on income tax. This is in addition to general tax revenue and a planned re-allocation of provincial budgets and conditional allocations, as well as from tax credits for medical schemes.

If the government projections made at that time are to be believed, the NHI will result in the budget deficit being further increased by about R32 billion. A more realistic calculation, as shown in a research report by the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), shows a deficit of R295,93 billion as an absolute minimum. Treasury cannot afford a deficit of R32 billion, let alone a deficit of R295,93 billion.

Theoretically, R295,93 billion could be generated by abolishing the medical tax credit (about R30 billion) and levying the following taxes:

A 40% surcharge on income tax;
Increasing VAT from 15% to 22%;
A payroll tax of 13,4%;
Increasing corporate income tax from 27% to 45%; and
A combination of these.

In real terms, none of these is possible, because the South African taxpayer is overtaxed.

The theoretical examples given here above serve as illustration purposes only and to demonstrate the absurdity of the NHI.

The National Health Act and a victory in court

On 24 June 2024 Solidarity managed to have one of the major cornerstones of the proposed National Health Insurance (NHI) pulled down by means of its legal action when the North Gauteng High Court declared sections 36 to 40 of the National Health Act unconstitutional. The court also granted a cost award against the respondents.

According to Solidarity, the state’s goal with these sections in the National Health Act clearly was to pave the way for the NHI.

“The government wants to change to a system in which health care is nationalised and health care practitioners become servants of the state so that the provision of all health care can be centrally controlled by the state. This victory thwarts those disastrous plans,” Solidarity Chief Executive Dr Dirk Hermann said.

Sections 36 to 40 of the National Health Act provide that health care practitioners obtain a certificate of need (CoN) from the Department of Health before they can establish a practice in a specific area.

By declaring these sections unconstitutional, this court ruling will have an impact on the implementation of the NHI Act and will complicate the processes to implement it.

After the court ruling by the North Gauteng High Court, the Minister of Health, Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, denied that the ruling on the National Health Act made the National Health Insurance (NHI) Act vulnerable, denying any connection with the NHI Act while accusing pressure groups of spreading “toxic propaganda”.

However, his own department’s spokesperson, Foster Mohale, was quoted on multiple occasions in the past, reaching this exact conclusion that the two are connected when the sections were first declared invalid in 2022.

“The ruling has serious implications for the implementation of the National Health Insurance (NHI), and the Department of Health will request that the ruling be overturned and will contest the case in the Constitutional Court,” Mohale said at the time.

Hermann says that the government does not have a track record of “doing the right thing,” and Solidarity will therefore be ready to continue the fight in court.

What are the implications of the NHI for South Africa?

Dr Eugene Brink, strategic advisor for community affairs at AfriForum, also explored the implications of National Health Insurance in an article published on Solidarity’s platform. He writes that the NHI could be very dangerous if ever fully implemented.

In his article he quotes Bloom Financial Services, which stated that the NHI would destroy comprehensive medical schemes. “Once implemented, medical schemes won’t be able to offer any health services already offered by the NHI. Medical aid will only offer you extra services not covered by the NHI.”

Brink also pointed out that all healthcare funds would be centralised (actually nationalised) in a single state-controlled fund. Given what the government as curator of tax money has caused as a result of blatant corruption and abuse, this is a chilling thought.

The medical aid fund Discovery offers further criticism in this regard, also quoted in Brink’s article: “Our strong view is that limiting the role of medical schemes would be counterproductive to the NHI because there are simply insufficient resources to meet the needs of all South Africans. Limiting people from purchasing the medical scheme coverage they seek will seriously curtail the healthcare they expect and demand. It poses the risks of eroding sentiment and of denuding the country of critically needed skills, and is impacting negatively on local and international investor sentiment and business confidence.”

Brink also refers to Prof. Nicola Theron and Dr Paula Armstrong of FTI Consulting who recently wrote that to insist that the only path to universal healthcare (UHC) is through a single pool of funds managed by the government and the erosion of the role of medical schemes as purchasers of medical services would probably contribute to the demise of a strong and well-functioning private healthcare section. It narrows consumer choice, erodes competition and may even lead to the same outcomes as recent examples of what has become of state-owned enterprises and funds. Read the full article here.

No end in sight for the fight against the NHI yet

“Solidarity is vehemently opposed to the NHI and is strongly in favour of a market approach, offering a choice to private service providers and to the public, while at the same time being in favour of an improved public healthcare system. NHI will ruin South Africa and Solidarity is preparing for a major court battle to ensure that the healthcare sector is free, safe and prosperous,” Brink concluded his article.

This week in South African news

Posted on July 1, 2024July 1, 2024 by anneke

What is news in South Africa this week (28 June 2024)? From waiting in suspense for the announcement of the new cabinet to racial and political incidents to newspapers closing down. If you are interested in South Africa, here are some impacting headlines in this week’s news.

The suspension of DA Member of Parliament raises concerns of unfairness in the management of racial issues

Old skeletons have been rediscovered in politicians’ closets after being sworn in as members of parliament. A video of Democratic Alliance (DA) Member of Parliament Renaldo Gouws taken 14 years ago was spread on social media.

In the video, Gouws expresses his concern about the rise of racism, hate speech and double standards in the condemnations thereof in South Africa. Gouws specifically refers to the song Economic Freedom Fighters’ (EFF’s) leader Julius Malema and his followers sing, “Dubula amabhunu. This song translates as “Shoot the Boer”.

Per illustration, Gouws starts off by using grotesque discriminatory language towards black people and talks about killing them. Then Gouws stops and says that this is not his opinion. He then asks the viewers to reflect on how they felt after hearing this.

Gouws made this video to illustrate “how white people feel” when the EFF sings their controversial song. Gouws further explains that South Africans should be consistent in their condemnation of racism.

Three years after posting the video, Gouws took it down with an apology. After the video resurfaced, Gouws apologised again unconditionally, but he was temporarily suspended as a member of the DA. He lost his position as member of parliament, and an investigation is pending against him. The Human Rights Commission also filed a complaint, challenging him in a court case.

Why is this unfair?

Shortly after Gouws’ suspension, another video, this time of Member of Parliament and uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK) Party member Andile Mngxitama, resurfaced calling for the genocide of white people. In the video Mngxitama encourages his followers to kill five white persons for every black person killed.

At this stage, no action was taken against Mr Mngxitama in contrast to the drastic action taken against Mr Gouws.

Photos of Ian Cameron, also a DA Member of Parliament, have been spread on social media. These photo’s were taken with his face painted black when he partook in protest action against racism 18 years ago.

Watch this video of Ernst Roets, head of policy at the Solidarity Movement, explaining the details of the event: https://fb.watch/s_720DaWOY/

Renaldo Gouws made the news this week for being suspended from the DA.

President Cyril Ramaphosa to announce the cabinet this week; crisis arose as the president went back on a promise

With the new cabinet expected to be announced soon, President Cyril Ramaphosa caused a crisis in the new Government of National Unity (GNU) when he retracted a promise he made to the DA during the negotiations. President Ramaphosa promised the DA the key ministerial position of Trade and Industry. On Wednesday 27, June he retracted the offer and proposed the alternative portfolio of Tourism.

DA leader John Steenhuisen was disappointed by the decision. The position of Trade and Industry was part of the negotiation process. The DA saw it as an opportunity to make a real difference in the country’s economy and growth.

President Ramaphosa’s decision came after a meeting with the ANC structures. The ANC promised the DA six ministerial potions. The DA tried to negotiate for eleven cabinet positions out of the 30 positions available.

With the stability of the GNU coming under threat as the DA might reconsider its cooperation, the value of the rand weakened by 1,27%. This shows that a GNU with the DA is necessary for South Africa’s economy.

Fortunately for South Africa, John Steenhuisen and President Cyril Ramaphosa found a way to work around this issue. There is now stability in the negotiations on cabinet positions.

The DA was promised ministerial positions in public affairs, basic education, public works and infrastructure, and communication and digital technology, among others.

DA leader John Steenhuisen and president Cyril Ramaphosa made headlines in this weeks news. — DA leader John Steenhuisen and president Cyril Ramaphosa were headlines in this weeks news.

Debate continues on the shutdown of the Afrikaans press while CEO walks away with millions

Leading news company Media24 announced that it will discontinue printing certain newspapers, among them well-known Afrikaans newspapers such as Beeld and Rapport. Citing financial reasons for the decision, Media24 announced these publications will only continue as digital publications. This decision means 400 employees will likely be retrenched.

This news came as a shock to the Afrikaans community who supported these newspapers throughout the years. While fiery debate on the matter continues, news came to light that Bob van Dijk, the CEO of Naspers which owns Media24, received compensation of R330 million in the previous financial year and will continue to receive R2,2 million for the next two months.

Solidarity Chief Executive Dr Dirk Hermann says Van Dijk’s compensation alone will be able to cover the losses Media24 are facing. Solidary says it will stand by its members at Media 24 who are now facing retrenchment, and it will demand answers from these companies. Solidarity also submitted a request to the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CMMA) to guide the process.

Thanks to AfriForum, midwife will appear in court for negligence causing the death and disability of babies

AfriForum, one of the institutions of the Solidarity Movement, is a civil rights organisation that frequently supports civilians in their court cases. Two women approached AfriForum to help them to open a case against a midwife guilty of malpractice, which tragically resulted in severe consequences for the babies of these women.

The one woman’s baby died nine days after birth, and the other’s baby was left disabled because the midwife neglected to call in medical assistance when needed after the birth.

The midwife will appear in court for the first time in July on charges of assault.

Read the article here: https://afriforum.co.za/en/former-midwife-who-allegedly-caused-complicated-births-to-finally-be-prosecuted/

Solidarity won two cases for workers unfairly discriminated against in the workplace

Solidarity is an institution of the Solidarity Movement and it supports persons with work-related issues. Solidarity recently won two cases on behalf of persons unfairly discriminated against in their workplace based on their race.

In the first case, an employee was falsely accused of racism because of a fault in the company’s system, and the employee was discharged with immediate effect. The employee responsible for allocating parking spots accidentally and due to a fault in the system reallocated the parking spots of two black senior employees.

When realising this mistake, the employee immediately apologised and corrected the mistake. The two senior employees still decided to submit a formal complaint of racism. The court found that there was no proof of such action, that the employee made an honest mistake and corrected it immediately. The company has to pay the employee an amount of R150 000 in compensation.

In another case, a police officer of the South African Police Service (SAPS) applied for promotion as Captain along with other candidates. After interviews, the reviewing team found that this SAPS officer was the best and most qualified candidate for this promotion.

The employee had 24 years of work experience at the SAPS. The department decided not to promote this employee but instead to adhere to the Employment Equity Act, and consequently no-one was appointed in the position.

Solidarity supported the employee with further action under the guidance of the CCMA. The CCMA found that the employee should have been promoted and was unfairly treated as no valid reason could be provided for the employee not being promoted, taking into consideration his long-term service in the SAPS.

Solidarity says these two cases should serve as a warning to institutions and employers that unfair labour practices will not be tolerated.

Read the articles here

https://aanlyn.solidariteit.co.za/publieke/artikel/solidariteit-wen-saak-vir-lid-wat-valslik-van-rassisme-beskuldig-was

https://aanlyn.solidariteit.co.za/publieke/artikel/solidariteit-gee-die-sapd-bloedneus-oor-onbillike-arbeidspraktyke

Election results full of risks and opportunities for South Africa

Posted on June 7, 2024June 13, 2024 by anneke

The ANC (African National Congress), which has ruled South Africa with majority governments since 1994, lost its majority for the first time ever last week when the party’s support fell from 57% to 40%. The party also lost its majority in three provinces, Gauteng, the Northern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal, while the opposition Democratic Alliance retained control of the Western Cape. South Africa will henceforth be governed by coalitions or opposition parties at national level, as well as in four of the nine provinces.

It is clear that a large majority of South African voters are angry about the corruption, mismanagement and missed opportunities that have made South Africa a near-failing state with some of the highest unemployment, poverty and crime rates in the world. South Africa’s infrastructure is crumbling, there are large electricity shortages, the government’s debt is increasing sharply, the economy has completely stagnated and started to shrink again during the first quarter of 2024 and foreign investors are systematically withdrawing from the country.

A large majority of black South Africans have a historical bond with the ANC because they have always felt that this party deserves credit for ending Apartheid. However, these same black people are increasingly outraged at the enrichment of a small group of black leaders who use government contracts and corruption to enrich themselves at the expense of poor black communities.

While black voters sought other political destinations, many simply refused to vote. Over the past ten years, there has been a continuous decline in the voting percentage among black South Africans. It fell to a historic low in this year’s election. While less than two-thirds of eligible voters were registered to vote, only 58% of registered voters went to vote. This means that less than 40% of those entitled to vote participated in the election. Only one third of black voters went to vote.

The decision not to register as a voter or not to vote is a clear protest by black South Africans who still struggle to vote for a party other than the ANC. However, where other parties with black leaders came to the fore, voters did swing away from the ANC in large numbers.

In Kwazulu-Natal the ANC’s support dropped from 60% to less than 20%. It was a clear ethnic Zulu protest vote because a majority of Zulus feel that the ANC has turned its back on the Zulu population and that most Zulu leaders have been thrown out of the party. The former president Jacob Zuma’s new MK party, although dangerously radical, therefore tapped into this feeling of alienation from Zulu voters and was able to win 45% of the votes in the province and thus also become the third largest party nationally.

In Gauteng, ANC voters also defected to other parties, which dropped the party’s support from more than 50% to just 35%. In the Northern Cape, poor coloured voters, formerly ANC supporters, voted for the new populist Patriotic Alliance. In the Eastern Cape, the home of Xhosas and a heartland of the ANC, the party’s support also fell and small black parties such as the United Democratic Movement grew considerably.

The radical Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) of Julius Malema who are known for their singing of the song “Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer” have also lost support which is a good indicator that the space for racist, hateful parties is limited.

White voters went to vote in large numbers with the turnout among whites being over 80%. White voters also voted very strategically and mostly cast their vote for the liberal Democratic Alliance, which cost more conservative parties such as the Freedom Front Plus considerable support.

Various political parties will now have to work together to establish workable and stable governments at national level but also in provinces such as Gauteng, still the economic heartland of South Africa and Kwazulu-Natal, also a major economic centre.

South Africa is a country that is already in a multi-faceted and deep economic, political and social crisis. The country’s education, police service, infrastructure, fiscal policy and most other government services are in crisis. Foreign investors are leaving the country while the highly skilled are emigrating at an accelerating rate. Populist leaders threaten violence, uprisings and anarchy. Ultimately, wise leadership will be needed to put the country back on the winning track.

The Solidarity Movement, as the largest representative of minorities and in particular Afrikaners, gave its conditional support for a type of multi-party government, with the exclusion of radical parties, because the ANC cannot be trusted to govern alone. The Movement also said it will participate in a national dialogue to put South Africa on a new path, where everyone gels can enjoy equal treatment without racial laws.

The Movement, however, said its conditions for support include political space for cultural self-realization, the scrapping of the Bela draft law (which wants to nationalize education) and the NHI law (which places all health care with the government and seriously threatens private health care), and market-friendly economic policies that will promote growth, job security and job creation.

The political changes may be an opportunity for South Africa but it also create numerous risks. Only time will tell which way the country will go.