Why South-Africans have an interest in American politics

Two assassination attempts, Biden’s Covid-19 diagnosis, a sudden change in the Democratic Party’s presidential candidate, numerous newsworthy debates, two huge hurricanes and a McDonald’s visit later, and we are finally on the eve of the American presidential election.

South Africans have been closely watching this roller coaster of events from the very beginning. Some South Africans are even more familiar with American politics than they are with our own politics. However, this interest is not a strange phenomenon, nor is it an unnecessary one.

Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison, explains that America is still the world’s most powerful superpower, and it will remain as such for a few years to come. Therefore, South Africa has a major interest in being aware of the influence this superpower can have on our economy.

“Economically, South Africa depends strongly on trade with the USA and on investments from this country. What happens in America affects us all because it affects our exchange rate, as well as commodity prices, trade relations and global political and economic variables,” Kleynhans explained.

Kleynhans is a political expert with a particular interest in international politics. Part of his duties is to inform Afrikaners about the latest political events in the world and the influence of such events on South Africa. He does weekly talks on Afrikaans radio stations, writes articles for the Afrikaans media, and has his own podcast Wêreldwys (World Wise) where he explains complex politics in an understandable way to the public.

However, American politics is one of Kleynhans’s particular preferences. At one stage, he was himself involved in an election campaign for George W. Bush. Kleynhans will be in the USA from 5 November to report on developments in the election to South Africans. After the election, he will undertake a three-week tour of the USA, visiting Michigan, Wisconsin and Texas, among others, to discuss the Solidarity Movement’s cause with those interested in it.

“We engage with both Republicans and Democrats and have no motive to take sides. I will be meeting with members of both parties across the US, and in particular in Washington DC over the next three weeks. There are many Republicans and Democrats in the United States Congress who are interested in what happens in South Africa, and with whom we have already established a good rapport.”

For some years now the Solidarity Movement has been canvassing international support for South Africa and for Afrikaners. Jaco is one of the main players in this regard.

“For the past two years, I have been working on fostering ties with legislators in various states. We are about to draft important resolutions for consideration in some of the states’ legislatures. This may have far-reaching consequences.

Moreover, we have very sound contacts in in the Congress in Washington DC and with organisations that influence political policy. In my discussions with dozens of influential persons I will deal with various issues such as the Government of National Unity (GNU), AGOA, the position of minorities in South Africa, the BELA Act, the planned NHI, crime, BRICS, the ANC’s ties with Russia, China and Iran, while I will also focus on the work of the Solidarity Movement as well.”

Who does Kleynhans think will win the election, and what would the consequences be of such a result for South Africa?

If he has to take his best educated guess, Kleynhans believes Trump stands a good chance to win, but it will depend on who will be voting.

“Economically, a Trump victory can bring great opportunities and risk. The main opportunities are in trade as Trump is planning strong action against China. This will create new opportunities for South Africa to export even more products to the USA”.

Afrikaners have organised a massive march against the BELA Act (read more about it here) on the same day the American presidential election is taking place. For Afrikaners, to hold a protest march is a rare cultural phenomenon, and this day will certainly have a historical impact. Despite our own political turmoil and upheaval, America can know for sure that South Africans will still watch the American election with a hawk’s eye.

Jaco Kleynhans
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison

Afrikaners and Zulu communities want to work together

Source: Adapted from AfriForum

A commemorative event for the former Zulu King, King Dinuzulu (1868-1913), was held on the Farm Rietfontein (Kwa Thengisangaye on Friday 18 October.

The reigning Zulu King, King Misuzulu KaZwelithini, invited AfriForum (an institution of the Solidarity Movement to the event. For these two parties this marks the beginning of formal discussions on cooperation between the Zulu communities and the Afrikaners.

King Misuzulu Zwelithini wants the talks to focus on cooperation in the fields of the economy, community safety, land management and cultural exchange, as well as other matters of joint interest.

This occasion was celebrated on the farm where King Dinuzulu died in exile on 18 October 1913, exactly 111 years ago.

 

A brief background on the Afrikaners and the Zulus

Many people who are not all that familiar with the history, are under the impression that the Afrikaners and the Zulus have a history of conflict and that, to this day, they live in animosity. This perception dates back to the times of the Great Trek.

Under the rule of King Dingaan, a cruel Zulu king, thousands of Zulus massacred innocent women, children and families during the Battle of Bloukrans. The Trekkers took revenge at the Battle of Blood River, a battle that claimed the lives of almost 10 000 Zulus.

In the aftermath of these events and King Dingaan’s death, the Voortrekkers, today’s Afrikaners, made peace with the Zulus. The Afrikaners even attended the inauguration of Dingaan’s successor, King Mpande. The Afrikaners and Zulus subsequently fought side by side on numerous occasions and cooperated whenever the opportunity presented itself.

This cooperation and peace clearly manifested in the he relationship King Dinuzulu had with the Afrikaners.

During the Bambata Rebellion against the British colonialists, King Dinuzulu was imprisoned in Newcastle. When South Africa became a Union the new Prime Minister, Louis Botha, ordered the release of the Zulu King.

After his release, King Dinuzulu was allowed to settle on the Farm Rietfontein where he spent his last years. Botha knew him well because, as a young man, Botha was a member of Comdt Lucas Meyer’s commando that supported King Dinuzulu in the victory over the Mandlakazi, a Zulu faction, during the Battle of Spookberg (Tshaneni) in 1884.

During the memorial event this month reference was made to the relationship between General Louis Botha and King Dinuzulu.

King Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
King Misuzulu KaZwelethini.

What does the future hold?

In his speech, the King emphasised among other things that the “historical alliances” that existed between the Afrikaners and the Zulus are “a reminder of the complexities and nuances of our past.”

“The relationships that existed between King Mpande, King Dinuzulu and the Boer leaders remind us of the intricate web of diplomacy and steadfastness that characterised our history,” King Misuzulu KaZweletini said.

According to Mwalela Cele, deputy head of research and innovation at Amafa, the KwaThengisangaye Site is a confirmation of the role that heritage can play in promoting peaceful coexistence.

“The site and the history and the heritage associated with it confirm that that there is more that unites us than what divides us in this beautiful country. It is very important to Amafa that sites such as this one are preserved and that memorials and plaques are erected so that they can be preserved for generations to come and so that people will be able to know their history,” Cele explained.

Barend Uys, head of intercultural relations and cooperation at AfriForum mentioned at the event that the present generation, like previous generations have the responsibility to ensure a future for generations to come. He maintains, that all peoples in the country are facing major challenges but that solutions beckon

AfriForum believes that all cultural communities should work together on a basis of mutual recognition and respect on matters that are important to us. The historical issue our generation has to resolve is the peaceful co-existence of all the peoples calling the southern tip of Afrika their home. What is happening here today can serve as a good start to ensure a peaceful co-existence. We are building trust. We are engaging in difficult talks that are necessary to achieve genuine reconciliation between peoples.”

Uys welcomed King Misuzulu’s positive response to a request for dialogue with the Afrikaans community.

“We are keenly looking forward to engage in talks with the king about issues that affect our respective communities, and to cooperate with the king,” Uys explained.

“AfriForum and Afrikaners choose to continue to exist with a sense of justice. We choose mutual recognition and respect. We choose a peaceful coexistence. What we are experiencing is that the other peoples in the country and especially the traditional leaders have also made the choice, and today’s celebrations were an exceptional example of that. We are also very grateful for the privilege of having King Misuzulu attending the occasion where he acted as keynote speaker.

Barend Uys of AfriForum, Frikkie Meyer (interpreter) and king Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
Barend Uys of AfriForum, Frikkie Meyer (interpreter) and king Misuzulu KaZwelethini.

 

 

Report: Lesufi’s Gauteng will use BELA as an axe

18 October 2024
Connie Mulder

The Gauteng Department of Education (GDE’s) long history of hostile statements targeting Afrikaans single-medium schools serves as proof of how dangerous the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act (BELA) would be in the hands of such officials.

These hostile statements by, among others, the Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi, and his successor as MEC for Education Matome Chiloane are contained in a report by the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), which will be issued today.

According to Connie Mulder, head of the SRI, these statements, as well as the actions taken by the officials, offer enough reason to expect that the new powers granted to the GDE by BELA will be used aggressively against Afrikaans.

“Consequently, BELA becomes like a brand-new axe in the hands of someone who has been itching for a long time to fell a precious tree. Afrikaans education is that tree.

“A pattern has emerged over recent years that shows how the Gauteng Department of Education, and specifically Lesufi and Chiloane, in reality consider Afrikaans single-medium schools as something that must be eradicated in the name of transformation,” Mulder said.
In the report, the SRI also shows how this has already transpired in practice when the department unlawfully tried to place English learners at Hoërskool Overvaal in 2018.

Solidarity believes that the sections in BELA dealing with language and admission policy will therefore be used by the very same officials to instruct Afrikaans single-medium schools to offer dual-medium education from now on.

BELA’s wording on language need stipulates how sufficient consideration must be given to a school district’s language demography.
According to Mulder, this puts Afrikaans schools in the crossfire as no education district exists where Afrikaans represents more than 30% of the language requirement.

“Only about 5% of schools in the country are exclusively Afrikaans (is dit reg? Wat is Gauteng se syfer?). Under BELA, these single-medium schools will be destroyed to meet the so-called language needs of the district, unless a head of department is willing to protect the schools.
“We know the Gauteng Department of Education has failed dismally with the building of schools, and in Lesufi’s term of office as MEC for Education there was a negative growth in schools,” Mulder said.

The report points out that after Lesufi’s term of office, there actually were nine fewer schools in Gauteng but approximately 300 000 more learners.

According to Mulder, in order to revert to the learner-school ratio of 2009, the GDE will have to build 552 new schools immediately – not the 60 schools Lesufi claims are necessary to meet the growing demand for education in the province.

Mulder also referred to the government’s failure to meet the demand for schools as an uncomfortable fact that Lesufi and others would like to cover up by capturing well-functioning Afrikaans schools.

Read the full report on the impact of BELA on Gauteng here.

Connie Mulder, head of Solidarity Research Institute.
Connie Mulder, head of Solidarity Research Institute.

The America South Africa would like to see

Theuns du Buisson

Source: Maroela Media

During the latter part of every year numerous organisations issue their lists of global risks for the next year. Major companies use these lists to do their planning to ensure that they are hedged against those risks.

In addition to all the usual matters, natural disasters, political uncertainty and so on, there is a new one this year: “Trump’s protectionism” which, according to the World Economic Forum (WEF), poses a significant risk to the global economy. I have never really been bothered by the WEF’s talk about how the globe would go up in flames at any moment if we do not trade beef for bugs. Unfortunately, however, many influential people take the WEF’s talk seriously.

 

Protectionism

This outdated policy is widely regarded as a major obstacle to economic growth, and rightfully so. It involves imposing duties to keep importes out of a country, thereby promoting the local industry. For example, South Africa imposes duties on steel and chicken meat imports. The end result is that steel and chicken are very expensive without us having a significant chicken industry, while the local steel sector still remains under constant pressure.

In short, protectionism is based on the fallacy that in trade there are winners and losers. The reality is that in proper trade everyone is a winner.

However, duties are also imposed for other reasons. For example, if a country uses slave labour, duties can be imposed to punish the exporter without, however, stopping the purchase of those products. The only ones actually punished are the consumers of these products because they have to pay more for the product while still having to soothe their conscience about using the products of slavery. Then there are other considerations too, such as the enormous duties imposed on CCTV equipment from China which, according to numerous experts, is used to spy on the entire world. The best-known duties are anti-dumping duties which are introduced to prevent another country from dumping their cheap, often inferior products in a country, destroying the local industry, and then it continues to export products at normal prices and volumes without the burden of a competitive market.

Regardless of the reasons, it is an accepted truth that any trade restrictions, be they quotas, duties or whatever else, are bad for the global economy. It is estimated that the global economy could double if all countries were allowed to export their specialist products without duties or other barriers.

How dangerous is it for South Africa?

Just as almost everyone accepts that trade restrictions and tariffs are bad, everyone also accepts that whatever is best for America is also best for the world. When America is doing well, the world is doing well. When these two general truths are at odds with each other it muddies the waters.

New duties and other trade restrictions make products and services more expensive for Americans, but they also create job opportunities and a more localised economy in America. Along with localisation come others risks that could be to the USA’s disadvantage in the long run. But then there are also numerous advantages. By moving factories back to the USA, major capital investments are made and even if many of the risks do play out it would be most unlikely that these investments would be undone by moving plants abroad again.

The main advantage of such a policy is that the USA will pursue energy independence. They produce their own oil, and with Trump’s proposed policy in place, it would be enough for their own needs and even for exports. This means that the rest of the world’s demand for oil falls, with the result that everyone, not just America, pays less for energy. Thus, everyone wins here and in today’s energy-intensive world, this is not to be laughed off.

Where South Africa, and everyone else are, however, directly affected is when it comes to exports to the USA. Here too, South Africa need not be too concerned. Most of our exports are raw materials and chemicals which are rarely, if ever, subject to duties. And even if that should happen, South Africa enjoys duty-free status under AGOA in respect of these products. The automative industry, which is directly in Trump’s sights, also enjoys this advantage. Our local industries will therefore enjoy a very strong competitive advantage. Unless AGOA comes to an end, or these local industries perish, we have little to be concerned about.

 

Is it really a risk then?

Any policy that suppresses economic growth or one that concentrates growth in one place only based on man-made circumstances is bad. Obviously, this is also a risk. However, for South Africa the biggest risk would rather be that our government continues to act in a hostile manner towards the West and that we are kicked out of AGOA as a consequence. In those circumstances, a more protectionist policy in America would only have disadvantages for us without any significant advantages coming our way.

Of course, all of this would only apply if Trump should move back into the White House. The alternative is another four years of poor growth and large-scale waste by the American government. And that is not good for anyone.

Theuns du Buisson is an economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute
Theuns du Buisson is an economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute

 

Opportunities for collaboration

If you admire the work the Solidarity Movement do and want to contribute or are searching for opportunities for collaboration  in some way, but don’t know how, this article is for you. We know that no community, institution or country can function on its own. Your contribution may feel small to you, but it can make a big difference to us and South Africa as a country.

 

Why is international support important?

The international community’s support for Afrikaners in South Africa is about more than just protecting a single group; it is about promoting minority rights, preserving cultural diversity and contributing to the stability and progress of South Africa as a whole. By supporting the Solidarity Movement, the international community supports a broader vision of a world where diversity is respected and cherished.

  1. Preservation of cultural diversity

Afrikaners have a unique cultural identity that has developed over more than three centuries. Their language, Afrikaans, and their cultural practices, including traditions, music and literature, form an important part of South Africa’s diverse cultural tapestry. The international community, which values the preservation of cultural diversity, can play a role in supporting initiatives aimed at preserving and promoting this culture together with all other cultures.

  1. Human rights and minority protection

Like any minority group in a multicultural society, Afrikaners are at risk of discrimination and marginalisation. In the present-day South Africa, where policies such as affirmative action and land reform are controversial issues, there are instances where Afrikaners feel that their rights are threatened. International support can help ensure that the rights of Afrikaners are protected as a minority group, and that they have equal access to economic opportunities and basic services.

  1. Education and economic development

Education is one of the pillars of any society’s progress. Afrikaners, like all other communities, strive to have access to quality mother tongue education. Institutions such as Sol-Tech and Akademia offer training and education in Afrikaans, contributing to the empowerment of the Afrikaner youth. International support can help these institutions to expand their capacity and to make quality education available to more people, ultimately promoting the economic development of the entire community.

  1. Protection against economic marginalisation

In the current South African context, there is an ongoing debate about affirmative action and land reform, which are intended to correct historical injustices. Although these policies are well-intentioned, they harm South Africa as a whole and create opportunities for corruption. International support can help ensure that merit, and not skin colour, becomes the basis of economic growth.

  1. Peace and stability in South Africa

The stability of any country depends on the harmony and cooperation that exist between its different population groups. By supporting Afrikaners in their efforts to build a sustainable and just future for themselves, the international community can contribute to the greater goal of peace and stability in South Africa. This includes support for dialogue and cooperation between the different cultural and ethnic groups in the country.

 

Here is how you can support the Solidarity Movement:

  1. Donations

Any contribution helps us to expand our projects and to build a better, prosperous South Africa. To support our cause, you can make a donation towards any institution or project of your choice through the Afrikaner Foundation (Afrikaner.org.za), or through the Solidarity Movement’s website (solidaritymovement.co.za/donations/).

  1. Recognition

Giving recognition to our initiatives may seem to be a small gesture to you, but to us recognition brings credibility and respect in the local and national political circles where we are trying to establish collaboration. Official international recognition will strengthen the stance the Solidarity Movement takes in South Africa.

  1. Spread awareness

Unfortunately, a large part of the world is still ignorant about state failure in South Africa, and easily believes the lies and appearances the government tries to put forward. By spreading awareness of the real situation in South Africa, you are not only helping our institutions, but you are also helping all the people of South Africa that suffer due to the poor governance in the country.

  1. Apply political pressure

By applying political pressure on South Africa’s government, you confirm that their actions are not approved by all international institutions, and it forces them to reconsider the impact of their choices.

  1. Friendship and co-operation

The Solidarity Movement is open to new opportunities to learn from and engage with our international friends. Our friendship bonds help to contribute our knowledge to the world and also to learn from other institutions.

For any enquiries, please do not hesitate to contact us:

Jaco Kleynhans (Head of International Liaison): jacok@solidariteit.co.za

Jaco Kleynhans
Jaco Kleynhans

Ernst Roets (Head of Policy and Executive Director of The Afrikaner Foundation): ernst@solidariteit.co.za

Ernst Roets
Ernst Roets

Browse  our website and read our stories for more information and the latest updates.

 

Highlights of our key projects and success stories

The Solidarity Movement’s institutions are engaged in many important projects. However, there are a view projects that are worth highlighting as they not only impact the Solidarity Movement, but have an impact on a national level in the country.

Our project highlights 

The new Akademia campus

The real estate development company Kanton (one of the Movement’s institutions) launched a major project for the development of the Akademia campus in Pretoria as part of the Toekomsbouer (meaning “future builder”) campaign.

This R1.3 billion ($72.8 million) campus project is the largest development project in the history of the Afrikaans language and culture communities and represents a major historical turning point to ensure the sustainability of higher education in Afrikaans.

Read more about the project here: https://solidaritymovement.co.za/akademia-and-kanton-announced-monumental-campus-development/

Render showing entrance to new Akademia campus
Render showing entrance to new Akademia campus
Architectural rendering of part of the Akademia campus
Architectural rendering of part of the Akademia campus
Render showing a section of the new Akademia campus with a chapel
Render showing a section of the new Akademia campus with a chapel
Rendering showing the complete campus grounds.
Rendering showing the complete campus grounds.

Student residence for Sol-Tech 

The first student residence for Sol-Tech, a private vocational training college, on the Sol-Tech campus in Pretoria will soon open its doors. This residence will make it possible for students from all over the country to study at this training college as they will have accommodation in Pretoria.

Sol-Tech residence in progress
Sol-Tech residence in progress
Completed Sol-Tech residence
Completed Sol-Tech residence
An example of a room in the residence
An example of a room in the residence
Hallway in the new Sol-Tech residence
Hallway in the new Sol-Tech residence

Solidarity and AfriForum’s pending court cases

AfriForum and Solidarity do not hesitate to challenge the government in court about the unconstitutional laws it implements to gain more power and control. Some of the imminent court cases include litigation against the National Health Insurance Act (https://solidaritymovement.co.za/solidaritys-fight-against-the-national-health-insurance-nhi-act/), and the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill (BELA) that had recently been signed into law and aims, among other things, to change the face of mother-tongue education in South Africa.

Study funds for students who struggle financially

Solidarity Helping Hand manages a study fund trust known as the Helping Hand Study Trust (HHST) to ensure a future for young people who lack the funds to enrol for a study programme. The Study Trust is one of Solidarity’s proudest achievements. Not only does it empower students to study and to qualify themselves for a career, but it also breaks the poverty cycle and ensures a stable financial future for those who would not have had a future.

Promoting jobs

The current unemployment rate in South Africa is 32.9%. Most of the unemployed are young people who want to work but cannot find a job opportunity. Solidarity created a platform, known as Solidarity, for our community that connects employers and job seekers.

  • Since its launch in September 2023, more than 5,800 job opportunities have been advertised on the platform.
  • Approximately 500 vacancies are available on the platform on a monthly basis.
  • 2,100 companies are registered on the platform.
  • 70,000 users create a large network of employers and employees.
  • Since the launch of the platform, 14,820 people have applied for vacancies advertised on the platform.

Not only is the platform a space to advertise job opportunities, but it also creates an online community where people get the chance to network and ask questions related to their specific fields.

Hundreds of jobs are uploaded daily on Solidarity's platform for job seekers and employers.
Hundreds of jobs are uploaded daily on Solidarity’s platform for job seekers and employers.

Information and encouragement

The Solidarity Movement believes that the public should be informed about the latest developments in political decision-making and should also understand the direct impact those decisions can have on them and on the country. For this reason, the Solidarity Movement and its institutions regularly hold media conferences, issue research reports and use online platforms to explain the latest political events and engage with its members and the public to give them a transparent and objective view of developments and issues that affect them. Our communications always include a message of hope and practical advice that members of the community can follow to contribute towards addressing a problem or to make a difference in their community.

In 2022 around 700,000 people emigrated from South Africa. Their reasons for leaving the country include the high crime rate, the lack of job opportunities, or the desire to build a better future for their children. It is true that many Afrikaners sometimes feel like foreigners in their own country. Solidarity recently started a campaign called “#JyHoortHier”, translated as “You belong here” to encourage Afrikaners to stay in South Africa, to acknowledge their heritage and roots in the country and to take ownership to create a better future for themselves and future generations.

Afrikaners belong in South Africa
Afrikaners belong in South Africa

Our success stories

Every small victory is a success story. We are proud of our institutions’ hard work and efforts to make a difference so that our people can live freely, safely and prosperously in this country. A few of our recent success stories follow below:

  • Solidarity won three cases in the Labour Court on behalf of Solidarity members who had been discriminated against in the workplace due their race.
  • Akademia announced the opening of a campus in the Western Cape.
  • AfriForum established the first private fire department in Bloemfontein as the local government failed to deliver these services to the community.
  • Sol-Tech’s IT qualification received an award as best new programme at the Computing Technology Industry Association (CompTIA’s) 2023 Africa Awards Ceremony.
  • Solidarity submitted an economic recovery strategy to the National Treasury.
  • AfriForum’s anti-bullying campaign engaged with thousands of learners.
  • Akademia rolled out its second honours programme: Media and Communications.
  • Sol-Tech rolled out a new programme on early childhood development.
  • Thousands of potholes have been repaired in more than 20 towns around South Africa.
  • The Solidarity Movement established the Afrikaner Foundation to raise funds for future projects.

 

Each year we are once again amazed by what can be achieved when a community stand together to make a difference. These projects and success stories are not because of a big organization’s efforts, but because of every individual who contributed in a big or small way.

Meet the Afrikaners

The Afrikaners are a nation in South Africa, mainly descendants of Dutch, French Huguenots and German settlers who had immigrated to the Cape of Good Hope from the mid-17th century. They have developed a unique cultural and linguistic identity, which is centred around the use of the Afrikaans language and Calvinism as their religious belief.

 

Origin and identity

Afrikaners’ identity is deeply rooted in a complex history of colonisation, conflict, self-determination and adapting to an African context since 1652. The origin of the Afrikaners can be traced back to the establishment of the refreshment station in the Cape by the Dutch East India Company, or the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC), in 1652. During the centuries that followed, this unique community named itself after Africa and developed a language, Afrikaans, which originated from Dutch and which also inherited influences from other languages such as Malay, Portuguese and the indigenous languages of the Khoi and San.

The freedom struggle of the Afrikaners in South Africa is a deeply interwoven narrative that spans across more than three centuries. It is a story of resilience, identity and the constant quest for self-determination during various types of oppression. This analysis will examine the most important moments and phases of this struggle, and will attempt to unravel the Afrikaners’ complicated path to freedom in South Africa.

 

The settlement at the Cape: The beginning of a new nation (1652 – 1795)

The arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in 1652, and the subsequent establishment of the refreshment station at the Cape of Good Hope, laid the foundation for the development of the Afrikaner identity. The settlers, who were mainly of Dutch, French Huguenot and German origin, settled at the southern tip of Africa, initially to supply the needs of the VOC’s ships. However, these European settlers soon began to develop a unique identity, modelled on their European heritage, but also adapted to the challenges and circumstances of their new home.

In these early years, the Afrikaners, who were known as “Boere”, adopted a way of life that depended on self-reliance, livestock farming and a strong Calvinist faith. They settled in remote areas and made a living through hard work and a strong belief in their religious calling. This self-reliance and faith played an important role in the development of a strong Afrikaner identity, which would later play a key role in their struggle for freedom.

The Dutch Governor, Jan van Riebeeck, settled in Cape Town, South Africa in 1652.
The Dutch Governor, Jan van Riebeeck, settled in Cape Town, South Africa in 1652.

The Great Trek: A quest for self-determination

The American War of Independence, also known as the American Revolution or the American Revolutionary War, which took place between 1775 and 1783, inspired Afrikaners to rebel against British colonial rule and establish independent republics in the interior.

By the early 19th century, the British annexation of the Cape Colony led to increasing tension between the British authorities and the Afrikaners. The abolition of slavery in 1834, together with British interference in the Afrikaners’ way of life, led them to believe that their freedom was threatened. In response, thousands of Afrikaners began the Great Trek in 1836, a massive migration into the interior of South Africa, in search of freedom and self-determination.

The Great Trek was not only a physical movement, but also a symbolic action of secession from British rule and a quest for the establishment of independent republics. Those participating in the Great Trek (known as the Voortrekkers) established their own governments and laws in the new republics such as the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) and the Orange Free State Republic. These republics provided a space where Afrikaners could maintain their way of life and realise their cultural and religious beliefs without outside interference.

 

Hundreds of Dutch settlers, also known as "Voortrekkers", travelled from the Cape Colony into the interior of modern South Africa.
Hundreds of Dutch settlers, also known as “Voortrekkers”, travelled from the Cape Colony into the interior of modern South Africa.

The First Anglo-Boer War (1880 1881)

The First Anglo-Boer War (the first War of Independence) was of short duration, but provided an important build-up to the Anglo-Boer Wars. Afrikaner farmers were locked in a complicated, bona fide struggle with imperialism. The British government made unfair demands on the Boers, who became increasingly rebellious and insisted on self-government.

After the Great Trek, the Boers felt that the British would re-annex any establishment of self-government and infringe on the local residents’ freedom. In the end, the Boers united and took up arms against the British government, having a tremendous advantage in combat technique.

The war was of short duration, and in 1881 a peace treaty was signed. However, the tension between the British authorities and the local Boers only increased which ultimately would give rise to another war.

 

The Anglo-Boer Wars: A struggle for survival and sovereignty (1899 – 1902)

The discovery of gold and diamonds in the Boer Republics in the late 19th century drew the British Empire’s attention to the mineral wealth in the interior. This led to increasing tension between the British authorities and the Boer Republics, which eventually led to the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer Wars. These wars took place from 1899 to 1902 and were a desperate attempt by the Afrikaners to maintain their independence and sovereignty against the powerful British Empire.

The wars were particularly brutal, with the British authorities adopting a scorched earth policy, which led to the scorched farms and the internment of women and children in concentration camps. These camps claimed the lives of over 22 000 children, claiming 33 000 lives in total. The wars left a deep scar on the Afrikaner psyche. Despite the heroic resistance from the Boers, British’s force of numbers eventually prevailed, and the Republics were annexed as part of the British Empire.

Children running around in Turffontein concentration camp.
Children running around in Turffontein concentration camp.

 

Boers during the war.
Boers during the war.

Rising from a scorched earth (1902 – 1948)

After the Anglo-Boer Wars, the Afrikaners found themselves in a difficult position, defeated and humiliated, but with a renewed drive to restore their cultural identity and freedom. During the post-war years, the Afrikaners reorganised themselves, focusing on rebuilding their communities and promoting their language, Afrikaans, and their culture.

The Helpmekaar Movement is the first practical example of how a cultural community stood together to rise from poverty. The Helpmekaar Movement was a fundraising effort after the Anglo-Boer War. Impoverished Afrikaners each donated cents to establish a fund. The movement grew nationwide. The results were astonishing. This money was used to establish a study fund, and the fund is used to this day to fund scholarships for young people.

Furthermore, the establishment of Afrikaner institutions such as the Mine Workers’ Union, the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Associations (the FAK) and many others, as well as the development of Afrikaans education contributed to the rise of Afrikaner nationalism. This movement aimed to protect the Afrikaners’ political and economic interests and to preserve their cultural heritage. The main political vehicle for this nationalism was the National Party, which won the general election in 1948, and introduced apartheid as a policy to protect Afrikaner interests.

A ruined farm after the war.
A ruined farm after the war.

The struggle for self-preservation during the Cold War

Apartheid, introduced in 1948, was a systematic attempt by the National Party government to implement racial segregation and protect Afrikaners in a country where the overwhelming majority is black. However, the policy not only provoked local opposition, but was also denounced internationally. The international community used economic sanctions and political pressure to end the apartheid system.

During this period, the Afrikaners faced increasing isolation and growing instability within the country. The fear of losing their culture and freedom fuelled the government’s harsh suppression of any resistance, but eventually it became clear that apartheid was unsustainable. This isolation was reinforced by the growing liberation struggle of black South Africans, led by movements such as the African National Congress (ANC), which the apartheid government viewed as a communist threat.

The Afrikaners’ influence on the Cold War during the period of 1945 to 1990 was significant, especially within the context of South Africa’s strategic location, its domestic policy of apartheid and its foreign relations. During this era, the apartheid government of South Africa, led by Afrikaner politicians, was not only managing internal tensions, but also navigating the complex global relations of the Cold War, characterised by tension between the capitalist West, led by the United States, and the communist Eastern Bloc, led by the Soviet Union.

Despite the sanctions and unrest in the country, industrialisation peaked during this period. South Africa was one of the leading countries in the world in terms of infrastructure. South Africa’s railways and its transport network were among the best in the world. Air transport and ports were modernised to promote trade. During this period ESCOM was established which independently generated energy for South Africa and other African countries. Oil and gas infrastructure, including refineries and storage facilities, were developed and expanded. Water and urban development were also among the other successful projects. In South Africa’s history, this period was certainly the apex in the country’s progress and development.

 

South Africa as a bastion against communism in Africa

During the Cold War, the apartheid government positioned itself as a bastion against the expansion of communism in Africa. In this period, many African states gained independence and several of them opted for socialist or Marxist ideologies, often with support from the Soviet Union and Cuba. The Afrikaner government in South Africa saw these developments as a direct threat and consequently forged strong ties with Western countries, especially the United States, which saw the government as a useful ally in the fight against communism.

This anti-communist position led to South Africa’s direct involvement in several conflicts in the region, including the Angolan Civil War (1975 – 2002), in which the South African Defence Force fought against the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the Marxist government, which was supported by the Soviet Union and Cuba. South Africa supported UNITA (The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) rebel movement, led by Jonas Savimbi, as an opponent to the MPLA. This involvement formed part of a larger regional policy known as the “Total Onslaught” according to which the apartheid government believed it was surrounded by communist forces focused on destabilising the country.

 

Nuclear weapons

One of the most significant, yet often overlooked, aspects of the Afrikaners’ influence on the Cold War was South Africa’s development of nuclear weapons in the 1970s and 1980s. The apartheid government developed a secret nuclear weapons programme, which eventually resulted in the production of six nuclear weapons. This development was prompted by the government’s fears about a communist threat and a lack of confidence in Western support in an emergency situation.

This nuclear weapons programme placed South Africa in a unique position as the only state in Africa to develop nuclear weapons, and it highlighted the complex nature of the country’s participation in the Cold War.

 

The end of the Cold War and the consequences for South Africa

The end of the Cold War in the late 1980s and early 1990s had profound implications for South Africa and the Afrikaner government. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the declining threat of communism, the apartheid government lost an important component of its international justification for apartheid. Due to increasing internal and external pressures, FW de Klerk’s government in 1990 began a process to dismantle apartheid and started negotiations that led to the country’s first democratic elections in 1994.

Afrikaners fulfilled a complex role during the Cold War, positioning themselves as anti-communist advocates and the protectors of Western interests in Africa, while at the same time facing international condemnation for their apartheid policies. This period had profound consequences for the country’s political, economic and military strategies, and played a significant role in shaping global perceptions of South Africa during the late 20th century.

The modern Afrikaner community is more diverse than ever, with some actively preserving their cultural heritage, while others are adapting to the changing realities of a global and multicultural world. Despite the challenges they face, Afrikaners remain committed to the principles of freedom, self-determination and the preservation of their unique identity.

The Afrikaners’ struggle for freedom in South Africa is a rich and complex narrative of conformation, resistance and survival. It is a history shaped by struggles against oppression, the quest for independence and the constant efforts to secure a place for themselves in a dynamic and often hostile environment. In the post-apartheid era, the question of what freedom means to Afrikaners remains relevant as they reconsider their identity and role in a changing South Africa and world.

 

Afrikaners’ place in Africa – 30 years after 1994

Afrikaners’ own perception of their place in Africa must be assessed as a search to find a balance between a strong sense of community and adapting to a changing social and political landscape in South Africa.

Historical commitment to the country:

Afrikaners regard South Africa as their home, the country where their ancestors toiled the land, fought wars and built a unique culture and community. This strong historical connection to the country gives Afrikaners a sense of having a right to the land and the nation, which strengthens their identity and defines their place in South Africa.

Self-determination and cultural preservation:

Many Afrikaners place a great value on self-determination and the preservation of their culture within the broader context of a multicultural South Africa. This pursuit of self-determination manifests itself in the preservation of Afrikaans schools, universities and cultural organisations that promote and protect the Afrikaner heritage.

Adapting and cooperation:

In the post-apartheid era, Afrikaners also showed a need to adapt to the new South Africa and to seek cooperation with other cultures and communities. This adaptation is seen in the way many Afrikaners work to build bridges across racial and cultural boundaries, while still valuing and promoting their own cultural heritage.

Challenges and opportunities:

Afrikaners face several challenges in modern South Africa, including economic transformation, affirmative action and the preservation of their language and culture in an ever-increasing globalising world. However, many Afrikaners see these challenges as opportunities to redefine their place in Africa and to make a positive contribution towards the country’s development and progress.

Afrikaans as a way of life in Africa:

For many Afrikaners, Afrikaans is more than just a language; it is a way of life that connects them to their African soil and their communities. They see themselves as being part of the larger African context, while at the same time maintaining their own cultural identity. This connection to the continent is reflected in the way they express their culture and see their place in South Africa – not just as a European legacy, but as a unique Afrikaner heritage rooted in Africa.

The Afrikaners’ view of their place in Africa is one of deep historical bond, cultural pride and adaptability. While they have a troubled history of colonialism and apartheid, Afrikaners today are looking for a way to preserve their identity and culture while actively participating in a diverse and dynamic South Africa. They consider themselves an indigenous community in Africa, making a unique contribution to the rich tapestry of the continent’s history and culture.

 

A strategic future vision of Afrikaners’ role in South Africa

Flip Buys, Chairman of the Solidarity Movement
Flip Buys, Chairman of the Solidarity Movement

The Solidarity Movement is an Afrikaner organisation in South Africa that originated from the trade union Solidarity, which over the years has developed into a broader movement that focuses on the protection and promotion of Afrikaner interests, and their language, culture and economic independence. The Movement has several subsidiaries and initiatives that aim to support and strengthen the Afrikaner community in a changing South African society.

The Solidarity Movement’s main objective is to ensure that the Afrikaner community continues to exist at the southern tip of Africa in a manner that is sustainably free, safe and prosperous. It focuses on self-reliance, cultural preservation and creating a strong, self-sufficient community capable of promoting and protecting its own interests. The Movement also promotes solidarity between its members, and works to ensure a safe and prosperous future for Afrikaners in South Africa.

Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, has a clear and strategic vision of the place and role of Afrikaners in contemporary South Africa. His approach is based on the principles of self-reliance, community development and the protection of the Afrikaner identity within the context of a multicultural society. Below follows an outline of his strategy and views:

Independence and economic power

Buys emphasises the importance of economic independence for Afrikaners. He argues that in order to ensure a sustainable future, Afrikaners must focus on the development of their own institutions, businesses and communities. Under his leadership, Solidarity has created a network of education, training and community initiatives that enable Afrikaners to empower themselves and their children through quality training and skills development.

 

Community development

Buys strongly believes in building strong communities as a basis for survival and success in South Africa. He emphasises that Afrikaners have to strengthen their community organisations, such as schools, churches, cultural organisations and businesses, in order to create a safe and supportive environment in which their culture and language can prosper. The Solidarity Movement plays a central role in this by offering support to Afrikaner businesses and community projects.

Helping Hand helps to secure a future for children and adults who suffers from poverty.
Helping Hand helps to secure a future for children and adults who suffers from poverty.

The preservation of identity

One of Buys’ core focuses is the preservation and promotion of Afrikaner identity and culture. He considers it essential to protect the language, history and traditions of Afrikaners, especially in a country where they are a minority group. This preservation is not just a nostalgic effort but a strategic step to build a sense of community and solidarity among Afrikaners, enabling them to be stronger and more united in the face of challenges.

 

Political self-preservation

Although Buys and the Solidarity Movement are not explicitly party politically inclined, they are aware of the importance of political self-preservation and influence. Buys supports the idea that Afrikaners should apply themselves to protect their interests by engaging with all levels of society, including political parties, but with an emphasis on maintaining an independent and self-reliant position. Solidarity’s strategy focuses on legal action, advocacy of policies and the promotion of labour rights as ways to protect and promote the rights of Afrikaners within the framework of the Constitution of South Africa.

 

Solidarity and cooperation

A core aspect of Buys’ approach is the idea of solidarity – not only within the Afrikaner community, but also with other communities facing similar challenges. He advocates for the cooperation between different groups to promote common interests, especially in areas such as education, security and economic development. Buys considers it to be essential to build bridges and form alliances to promote a stronger and more united South Africa.

Volunteers work together to fill potholes.
Volunteers work together to fill potholes.

Vision for the future

Buys’s strategic view of the Afrikaners’ place in South Africa is based on a long-term vision that focuses on sustainability and independence. He believes that by focusing on education, economic development and cultural preservation, Afrikaners would not only secure their place in South Africa, but would also make a positive contribution to the wider society.

Overall, Flip Buys views the Afrikaner community as an entirely independent, organised and empowered group that is fully capable of determining its own destiny, while at the same time being part of the South African society at large.

Most Afrikaners feels sentiment towards South Africa and has hope for the future of the country.
Most Afrikaners feels sentiment towards South Africa and has hope for the future of the country.

The Solidarity Movement’s main components

  1. The trade union Solidarity: The trade union forms the core of the Solidarity Movement. The trade union is one of the oldest trade unions in South Africa, and has its roots in the Mine Workers’ Union which was established 1902. The trade union focuses on defending labour rights, improving working conditions and supporting its members, mainly coming from the Afrikaans community.
  2. AfriForum: This organisation is a civil rights organisation that functions under the banner of the Solidarity Movement. AfriForum focuses on the protection of minority rights, with specific attention being given to the Afrikaans community. This includes the promotion of Afrikaans education, the preservation of cultural heritage and legal action against discrimination and corruption.
  3. Sol-Tech and Akademia: These are educational institutions founded by Solidarity to empower Afrikaners by offering technical and higher education in Afrikaans as medium of instruction. Sol-Tech focuses on technical and vocational training, while Akademia offers higher education, with both institutions functioning in an Afrikaans environment.
  4. Solidarity Helping Hand: This philanthropic organisation within the Solidarity Movement focuses on poverty alleviation and community development. Solidarity Helping Hand’s projects include lending support to poor families, making scholarships available to indigent students and various other initiatives that are undertaken to support communities.

 

Why is international support important?

The international community’s support for Afrikaners in South Africa is about more than just protecting a single group; it is about promoting minority rights, preserving cultural diversity and contributing to the stability and progress of South Africa as a whole. By supporting Afrikaners, the international community supports a broader vision of a world where diversity is respected and cherished.

  1. Preservation of cultural diversity

Afrikaners have a unique cultural identity that has developed over more than three centuries. Their language, Afrikaans, and their cultural practices, including traditions, music and literature, form an important part of South Africa’s diverse cultural tapestry. The international community, which values the preservation of cultural diversity, can play a role in supporting initiatives aimed at preserving and promoting this culture together with all other cultures.

AfriForum gives training to a tradional African community.
AfriForum gives training to a tradional African community.
  1. Human rights and minority protection

Like any minority group in a multicultural society, Afrikaners are at risk of discrimination and marginalisation. In the present-day South Africa, where policies such as affirmative action and land reform are controversial issues, there are instances where Afrikaners feel that their rights are threatened. International support can help ensure that the rights of Afrikaners are protected as a minority group, and that they have equal access to economic opportunities and basic services.

  1. Education and economic development

Education is one of the pillars of any society’s progress. Afrikaners, like all other communities, strive to have access to quality mother tongue education. Institutions such as Sol-Tech and Akademia offer training and education in Afrikaans, contributing to the empowerment of the Afrikaner youth. International support can help these institutions to expand their capacity and to make quality education available to more people, ultimately promoting the economic development of the entire community.

Graduates of Akademia
Graduates of Akademia
  1. Protection against economic marginalisation

In the current South African context, there is an ongoing debate about affirmative action and land reform, which are intended to correct historical injustices. Although these policies are well-intentioned, they harm South Africa as a whole and create opportunities for corruption. International support can help ensure that merit, and not skin colour, becomes the basis of economic growth.

  1. Peace and stability in South Africa

The stability of any country depends on the harmony and cooperation that exist between its different population groups. By supporting Afrikaners in their efforts to build a sustainable and just future for themselves, the international community can contribute to the greater goal of peace and stability in South Africa. This includes support for dialogue and cooperation between the different cultural and ethnic groups in the country.

 

Conclusion: Afrikaners are here to make a difference

The following words are from a well-known folkloristic Afrikaans song: “Afrikaners is plesierig, dit kan julle glo.” (“Afrikaners are jolly, that you can believe …”) It simply feels right to answer the question “Who is the Afrikaner?” by concluding with these words.

Afrikaners are friendly, fun-loving people who work hard in their communities and want to build a better future for their children. They are not the oppressors of the past, and they strive not to be the oppressed of the future either. Afrikaners are people who do things themselves – they are builders of the future and a valuable cultural group in South Africa.

To conclude with the words of Danie Langner: “No one is blind to the mistakes of our Afrikaner cultural household. We see where the paint is peeling, we hear the floorboards creaking and we know the garden needs attention. No matter what the cultural house looks like today, it is your language and your culture, part of who you are. It is within the house that you are needed. Embrace your role as a steward, be proud of your people for who they are, and (be there) where you have to realise a difference to the future. Your home is where your heart is”.

Greater Afrikaans community decides on day of protest against BELA

A day of mass protest will be held in less than four weeks from now against the Basic Education Act (BELA) to send out the strongest message of resistance against the controversial articles in this Act.

Dozens of organisations representing the larger Afrikaans community accepted a resolution today during a BELA Action Summit in Pretoria to announce a day of protest against the BELA articles on language and admission policy.

Members of various Afrikaans organisations, institutions of the Solidarity Movement, members of school governing bodies, teachers, parents and advocates of mother tongue education from all communities are planning to hold a protest march in Pretoria on Tuesday 5 November to air their concern about BELA.

The decision to take protest action is among several resolutions that were accepted at the BELA Action Summit led by Solidarity, AfriForum and the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools (SCS).

Other steps that have been jointly decided upon, include:
– to proceed with court action if BELA is implemented in its current format;
– to ask the DA and FF+ to suspend their participation in the government of national unity if BELA is implemented in its current format;
– to protect Afrikaans schools and Afrikaans in schools with everything we have; and
– to promote mother tongue education in general.

Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, says these resolutions are an important moment in yet another battle of survival for Afrikaans.

Flip Buys, chairman of the Solidarity Movement
Flip Buys, chairman of the Solidarity Movement

“This battle has been going on for two centuries. It has been exactly 200 years since Lord Charles Somerset’s directive that English would henceforth be the only language in the Cape Colony’s schools. Now we once again have a government that wants to anglicise Afrikaans schools to achieve political goals,” said Buys.

Leon Fourie, chief executive of the SCS, says representatives of around 50 stakeholder organisations and of more than 70 schools attended the Action Summit, and accepted the resolutions.

Leon Fourie, chief executive of the SCS
Leon Fourie, chief executive of the SCS

“The Act centralises power in the hands of the state and deprives communities of their right to have a say in schools. By limiting the powers of governing bodies, communities’ schools are exposed to a greater risk of political interference,” Fourie said.

Kallie Kriel, AfriForum’s chief executive, says that these resolutions that have been taken are critically necessary, given the serious implications of the legislation.

“Afrikaans schools play a key role in Afrikaans cultural communities, and for this reason, the attack on Afrikaans schools and children is an act of aggression that threatens the continued existence of our cultural communities. We will fight BELA’s anti-Afrikaans sections with everything we have,” Kriel said.

Kallie Kriel, chief executive of AfriForum
Kallie Kriel, chief executive of AfriForum

According to Dr Dirk Hermann, Solidarity’s chief executive, the decision to organise a protest march was not taken lightly.

“Like previous generations, we must stand up for Afrikaans education and the important cultural transmission that comes with it. We cannot allow that in a hundred years from now people will look back reproachfully, saying that the generation of 2024 had forsaken its descendants,” Hermann said.

Dirk Hermann, Kallie Kriel, chief executive of Solidarity
Dirk Hermann, Kallie Kriel, chief executive of Solidarity

More information about the day of protest will be announced soon.

The Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube, was also present at the summit. She said during her speech that the solution to the differences regarding Bela lies in dialogue, cooperation and mutual respect.

She also repeated several times that she believes the differences regarding Bela are not insurmountable.

She also acknowledged that the autonomy of governing bodies over admission and language policies has always been a core pillar of basic education in South Africa.

The Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube
The Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube

Organisations and political parties present during the signing of the resolutions included the Federation of Governing Bodies of South African Schools (FEDSAS), the South African Teachers Union (SAOU), the DA, FF+ and traditional leaders.

Click here for the resolutions taken at the BELA Action Summit .

BELA Act – the clear, red line

South African parents draw a clear red line when it comes to their children. “It is my child, my language, my community, my school!” thousands of concerned parents declared as President Cyril Ramaphosa announced that he would sign the BELA (Basic Education Laws Amendment) Bill within 48 hours.

It is important to note that the South African school system is founded on public schools, rather than state-owned schools. These schools are partially funded by the government and offer education in languages, such as Afrikaans, English and other indigenous languages.

Public schools are funded in two ways. The majority of schools depend on the government for financial support, while others are supported by the community.

There is no denying that the government is failing the schools that depend solely on them for funding. Examples of how they fail these schools are, amongst other things, a lack of resources, overcrowded classrooms, and a lack of teachers. Sometimes learners even do not have desks to sit at in school. This contributes to and results in extremely poor performance among learners. The aforementioned does not even include major infrastructural problems experienced at these schools. For example, in 2024 several incidents had been reported where primary school learners had drowned in pit latrines because the schools do not have toilets.

The government seemingly encourages schools to function with the support of the community. At these community-supported schools, the school’s governing body decides on the school’s admission and language policies, and the values that are taught at the school. The governing body usually consists of parents and community members. The learners’ performance in these schools is usually high because the governing body and community values mother-tongue education which is embodied in the school’s language policies.

Single-medium Afrikaans schools are amongst these schools that show exceptional performance by learners. Many Afrikaans schools benefit from active parental and community involvement, which fosters a supportive learning environment. There is an emphasis on Afrikaans culture and heritage, creating a sense of belonging and motivation for students.

Instruction in Afrikaans allows students to develop strong language skills, which can enhance their overall academic performance. Most Afrikaans schools prioritise a rigorous academic curriculum, emphasising critical thinking and problem-solving skills. A strong sense of discipline and values is instilled, which contributes to a positive and disciplined school culture.

Some schools maintain lower student-teacher ratios, allowing for more individualised attention and support. A variety of extracurricular activities, including sports and arts, help develop well-rounded students.

With BELA, the government wishes to transform the 5% of these well-structured, community-supported schools to become part of the 80% dysfunctional government-supported schools.

The BELA Act might be the government of national unity’s (GNU) first test. It will affect the trust between the different political parties, but more importantly the trust of the Afrikaans community in the GNU to also protect the minorities’ needs.

 

What is the BELA Act?

BELA is simply an amendment to the South African Schools Act (SASA) (No. 84 of 1996) and the Educators Employment Act (No. 76 of 1998).

The purpose of the amendment is to bring equality to the school system and to change the wording to better suit the South Africa of 2024.

To be clear, the entire BELA is not malicious. Some laws surely need amendment to improve the school system and close the gaps to ensure that all children receive their right to education. However, the act in its totality is flawed. Here are some of the sections in BELA that are controversial (sourced from News24):

  • Making Grade R the new compulsory level to start school: The provision of Grade R is currently not part of the mandatory basic education mandate, and it is managed within the broader context of early childhood development as regulated by the Education White Paper 5 of 2021. Grade R would be expanded to 7 888 schools where it is not yet offered.
  • Criminalising parents who don’t ensure their children go to school: BELA addresses this matter by threatening parents with possible imprisonment. BELA also adds that anyone who prevents or intentionally disturbs school activities is guilty of violating the law and is punishable by a prison sentence of a maximum of 12 months.
  • Homeschooling: The amendment provides that the Head of the department may when considering an application, require a delegated official to conduct a pre-registration site visit. It also provides that the Minister of Basic Education may institute regulations relating to the registration and administration of home education. The Department said the amendment to homeschooling acknowledges the fact that some parents do not feel comfortable sending their children to public schools.
  • Language policy: This section seeks to amend section 6 of the SASA Act to provide for the governing body to submit the language policy of a public school and any amendment thereof to the Head of the Education Department for approval. The language policy must also consider the language needs of the broader community.
  • Sale of alcohol on school premises: This section deals with matters about the possession, consumption, or sale of liquor during any private function held on the school premises.
  • Religion: BELA stipulates that schools’ code of conduct be sensitive to cultural beliefs and religious observances. The code of conduct must also contain a section which allows pupils to request an exemption from complying with certain parts of the code of conduct.
  • Corporal punishment: BELA reaffirms that corporal punishment is no longer allowed at schools. It proposes that a person who carries out corporal punishment pay a fine or be sentenced to prison.

 

Concerns about the Language Policy in the Act

The Language Policy in the Act disempowers schools from choosing their language of instruction. Read between the lines, this section aims to exploit and target single-language and mother-tongue education schools to change their language policies.

Some Afrikaans schools in Pretoria have already been threatened by the provisions in this section should this section be implemented. Afrikaans schools are high-performing schools and achieve excellent results each year, mainly because of the quality of teaching received in learners’ mother tongue.

Changing these schools’ main language of instruction to English puts the learners at a disadvantage and denies them the opportunity to learn and perform in their mother tongue. Afrikaans schools are also at the centre of the Afrikaans culture where teachers can freely teach and realise the values of the community.

The mother tongue argument is not just about Afrikaans or language in general; it is about protecting traditional and cultural language communities throughout South Africa. The government does not value mother tongue education and disregards it.

“We regard the signing of this Bill into an Act as an act of aggression towards and a breach of the relationship of trust with the Afrikaans community. The signing undermines the spirit of unity of the national government,” said Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity at the time of the signing of the Bill.

Various institutions associated with the Solidarity Movement and other stakeholders put considerable pressure on the President to refrain from signing the Bill. As a result, the President has chosen to postpone the enactment of the sections dealing with language policy and school admission in the Act pending further negotiation. In the meantime, institutions like Solidarity and AfriForum are preparing for legal action, mass protests and negotiations with key role players.

 

Implications of these sections of the Act are to be implemented

According to the section on Language Policy, a public school should adjust the language to serve the broader public represented in an area. If this is the criteria, there is no region where Afrikaans or any other language will outweigh the English-speaking community in numbers.

This will mean the end of all single-medium public schools and mother-tongue education. This also has an enormous impact on the job stability of educators.

Should parents wish to teach their children in Afrikaans or a different language, they would have to pay expensive amounts to send their children to private schools, which few parents can afford.

The new provision of homeschooling in the Act will also make it difficult for parents and educators to decide upon the curriculum they wish to follow.

 

What is the way forward?

Before a Bill or an Act is signed in South Africa, the public has the opportunity to submit written comments or feedback that should be considered in the law-making process. In the case of the BELA Bill, the analysis of the Portfolio Committee on Basic Education of the public comments received showed that only 1,4% were positive towards the Bill. Thus, the President signed a Bill that suits only 1,4% of the public.

The Minister of Basic Education boycotted the signing ceremony of the Bill to show her opposition to the Bill. The government can expect mass resistance and protests from inside and outside the GNU until a final decision future announcement is made.

The outcome of the differences on BELA will be the first real test for the GNU. Should President Cyril Ramaphosa enact all the sections of the Bill, the Solidarity Movement will continue its battle against it in court. There is still hope regardless of the outcome of the current process.

The Afrikaans community has shown its power and resilience in standing together and supporting each other through its application of self-governance. Plans to open a private Afrikaans primary school in Pretoria are already being put into action. In 2028 the new campus of Akademia, an Afrikaans tertiary education institution, will also open its doors. No Act or signature can keep us from speaking our language and realising our culture freely in the country of our birth.

The Solidary Movement’s focus is to fight for a space where Afrikaners can live freely, safely and prosperously at the southernmost tip of Africa.

International Perspective 2

After 30 years: Uncertainty, fluidity and a political crossroads ahead for SA

Dear friends, acquaintances and interested parties abroad

In this second edition of our international newsletter, we discuss the new government in South Africa and the risks and opportunities that political change brings for South Africans, but also for our friends abroad.

Kind regards

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison

Solidarity Movement, South Africa

 

Introduction

From New South Africa to Next South Africa: A new phase, filled with opportunity and risk

The past three decades in South Africa have been known as the post-apartheid era, or as the era of the New South Africa. After an earthshattering election in May 2024, in which the African National Congress (ANC) lost its majority in parliament for the first time since 1994, it is clear that the country has entered a new era. The post-apartheid era has always been characterised by the ANC as the representative of the millions of black South Africans who had been excluded from the democratic dispensation before 1994. For these South Africans, the ANC was the vehicle to realise their aspirations, dreams and hopes. However, it became clear, especially during the last decade, that a large section of these South Africans began to lose their patience with the ANC. The combination of poor service delivery, decaying infrastructure, violent and other crimes and the rise in unemployment and poverty proved to be enough for millions of voters who had voted for the ANC in 1994. Along with this, there is a whole new generation of young South Africans today who have little to no hope in politics, and especially in the ANC.

 

MK and apathy reason for ANC loss of majority

 The result of all of this is that the ANC’s dwindling support levels turned into a dramatic loss of support. The party’s support dropped to 40%, and with it, the party lost the parliamentary majority it had over the past three decades. The ANC’s poor performance at the polls can be attributed to two things mainly. The breakaway of the Jacob Zuma faction from the ANC and the resultant rise of the MK party, especially in KwaZulu-Natal, was responsible for more than half of the ANC’s loss of support. Compared to previous elections, the balance of the loss in votes can be ascribed to the stay-away vote. In 2024, the voting percentage among black South Africans dropped to the lowest level since 1994. Black South Africans who have had enough of the ANC’s mismanagement voted for opposition parties in very small numbers – most of them either voted for the MK or simply did not vote at all. Less than 40% of all eligible potential voters in South Africa voted. Of the 27,7 million registered voters only 16,2 million cast their vote. After the participation peak of 89,3% in 1999, the voting percentage dropped to 58,6% in 2024. There are, however, another 13 million adult South Africans who did not even bother to register to vote. Thus, out of a total of more than 40 million eligible voters, only 16 million participated in the election.

 The reason for the elevated levels of apathy among black South Africans, in particular, is precisely the feeling that politics, and specifically democracy, no longer offers solutions to their challenges. According to a 2024 study conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, 57% of South Africans are dissatisfied with democracy in South Africa.

 

A new political era for South Africa

 After this year’s general election, it was clear that the ANC would have to form coalitions with other parties at national level, but also in some of the provinces, to establish a stable government. The choice was clear – either cooperation with radical leftist parties such as the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or cooperation with more centrist parties such as the Democratic Alliance (the classical liberal party and second largest party in the country), the Inkatha Freedom Party (a conservative and traditional Zulu party), the Freedom Front Plus Party (a party representing conservative Afrikaner interests), the Patriotic Alliance (a populistic coloured party) and some other smaller parties.

 The ANC’s decision to choose the latter option was considered to be a wise choice by a majority of South Africans as well as by the international community. Since the announcement of a Government of National Unity (GNU) which, in practice, is for all intents and purposes a multi-party coalition, there is renewed hope that South Africa can begin to address its problems.

 The new Government of National Unity offers opportunities for participation by former opposition parties, especially the Democratic Alliance, the Inkatha Freedom Party and the Freedom Front Plus. During the first few months of this new government, however, it was clear that the ANC will still do everything in its power to impose its own policy preferences on the new government, with few concessions being made to other parties.

 An important question over the next months, especially in the run-up to South Africa’s next municipal election in 2026, will be whether the parties that currently form part of the GNU will succeed in keeping the government going, in the midst of an extremely assertive ANC which will often try to continue governing as a majority party. The absence of mechanisms to limit the ANC’s influence within the government is something that already presents a challenge for some parties.

 

 Still huge challenges ahead for South Africa

 However, it is important to realise that 2024 is not 1994. South Africa is experiencing major challenges with its infrastructure that has collapsed into total disrepair over the past three decades. Crime rates have reached the highest levels ever. Corruption has become part of the culture at all levels of government and will be very difficult to eradicate. The national debt is the highest ever.

 However, it is clear that foreign investment is already returning to South Africa after a major capital outflow during the past few years. The fact that load shedding (the systematic application of scheduled electricity outages over the past 12 years) has largely come to an end, together with the establishment of a moderate multi-party government, contributes to new global optimism about South Africa.

 For the optimism to remain sustainable the government will have to do more to fight corruption, reduce crime, improve infrastructure and ensure a general climate of investor confidence.

 In a manner of speaking, the New South Africa is being replaced by the Next South Africa. The country is now entering a new era. The new coalition government is still facing major political challenges to stay in place, establishing sustainable governments in provinces and at municipal level, and ultimately, preventing radical populist groupings from reversing the reconstruction process.

 The Next South Africa is a phase offering great opportunity to improve confidence through more transparent and stable governance, leading to much-needed economic growth and job creation. Then the preservation of skills that are still flowing out of the country also becomes possible. The risks of a return to the disastrous 2010s of corruption, stagflation, increasing crime and the total decay of social cohesion are still a reality. Over the next year or two, and especially in the run-up to the municipal elections in 2026, we will have to see if South Africa can capitalise on the new window period of optimism that has opened up after the 2024 elections.

 

Five challenges facing the Next South Africa

 As mentioned above, South Africa has huge challenges to face over the next months and years. In this International Perspective, however, I am going to focus particularly on five of these challenges because it is also of international importance that South Africa and specifically the new government here make the right decisions and take the right steps to finally put South Africa on a path of internal recovery, but also to strengthen the country’s international position.

  1. Economic growth

 South Africa’s economy grew by just 0,6% in 2023, after already sluggish growth of only 1,9% in 2022. Levels of economic growth that could lead to a drop in unemployment in South Africa were last seen during the 2000s. Economic growth of barely 1% is expected for this year.

There are several reasons for the stagnation of the South African economy over the past 15 years. While economic growth for the first 15 years after 1994 often was between 5% and 6%, since 2009 it has mainly been between 1% and 2% per year. With inflation mostly between 4% and 10% over the past 15 years, coupled with a sharply increasing population, these 15 years of low economic growth have been catastrophic for South Africa’s unemployment rate, poverty levels and government finances.

The period of low economic growth coincides with a period of serious corruption and the decay of infrastructure. Massive corruption that drastically increased input costs in state-owned companies, coupled with so-called load shedding (daily scheduled electricity cuts) caused by severe electricity shortages, were probably the main reasons for the low economic growth in the last 15 years.

 However, what is increasingly contributing to low economic growth and a loss of foreign investment is the policy environment in South Africa. Continued populist policy proposals such as the expropriation of property without compensation, which seriously threatens property rights, stricter black economic empowerment laws (the strictest such intervention worldwide currently) which create room for corruption, lead to skill losses, discourage foreign investment and bring extra costs for the government in its procurement policy, all contribute to a policy environment that inhibits economic growth.

In May last year, there was a huge outflow of foreign investment in South Africa after a diplomatic dispute arose between South Africa and the United States of America. The South African government has not yet considered the effect of its foreign policy, and specifically its ties with Russia, Iran and even China, and the impact it has on foreign investment. South Africa’s decision to try to take the lead in a case against Israel at the World Court, while our country actually is not only geographically but also economically completely removed from the Middle East, has also not contributed to positive sentiment towards South Africa in places such as New York and London.

 Ultimately, South Africa could easily fall back into a position of anarchy, or populist forces in the ANC could gain the upper hand, should economic growth not be achieved by the current government. The fact that load shedding has come to an end and that there have been no electricity outages for almost six months now is a very positive trend.

 Foreign investment is badly needed and bringing it back sustainably will require a broad-based approach, which includes drastic improvements to infrastructure, a substantial reduction in corruption and other crimes, especially violent crimes, and broad investment confidence based on a stable policy environment that ensures property rights and impose fewer regulations on the private sector. Six out of ten (62%) South Africans trust the business sector to do the right thing, according to the Edelman Trust Barometer 2024. It is essential that the government should create space for the private sector to contribute to the economic recovery of the country and even play a leading role in it.

  

  1. Violent crime and corruption

 Last year, an average of 85 people were murdered per day in South Africa. Since 1994, more than half a million murders have been committed in the country. Serious violent crimes in South Africa reached the highest levels ever by the end of 2023.

 Along with this, South Africa has been increasingly affected by extensive levels of corruption in recent years. Corruption is particularly a problem at all levels of government – local, provincial and national – but is also increasing at other levels of society, including the private sector.

 Investigating crimes in South Africa and successfully prosecuting criminals with too few police members and especially detectives, weak courts including often inexperienced and even incompetent public prosecutors and magistrates, is still one of the country’s biggest challenges.

 South Africa was greylisted by the global financial crime watchdog Financial Action Task Force (FATF) in February 2023 for not complying with international standards around the prevention of money laundering, terrorist financing and proliferation financing. This creates a further challenge for the South African economy because the perception exists that South Africa’s legal system has weakened to such an extent that even international crime groups and syndicates can easily operate from South Africa, continuing their activities such as money laundering and the financing of terrorist activities, especially in Africa. It currently looks like South Africa will only be removed from the FATF’s grey list in late 2025 at the earliest.

 The crime problem in South Africa therefore is multifaceted. Common crimes and violent crimes are rooted in broken communities, poverty, unemployment and a culture of criminality. However, the problem is much greater, with extensive corruption and even international criminal activities that threaten to engulf South Africa.

 The new minister of police is without a doubt more capable than his predecessor, who inspired little confidence over the past few years. However, it will take drastic steps, comprehensive leadership and major plans to curb the crime problem in South Africa. We are currently seeing too little of that.

 

  1. Infrastructure

 Since 2016, public sector capital expenditure has steadily declined by R82 billion. This represents a decrease of 29%, according to Statistics SA. In particular, it is the many large state-owned companies, provincial governments and local governments that have reduced infrastructure owing to a growing debt burden, unsustainable and rapidly growing staff costs and rising corruption.

 South Africa’s electricity problems, which caused serious damage to the economy, were followed by a systematic collapse of some rail services, huge problems at ports, a general deterioration in roads and nowadays also serious problems with water supply.

 It is essential that South Africa’s credit rating should improve. S&P Global Ratings

has put the country’s foreign currency rating at “BB-/B” and local currency rating at “BB/B” with a stable outlook. This can hopefully start to improve by next year if the improvement in electricity supply can be followed by solutions to problems in rail transport, ports and roads. Along with this, it is essential that the state’s finances must improve, in light of the current increase in debt which is unsustainable and which means that less money can be spent on infrastructure.

 The Government of National Unity has no doubt raised hopes that some infrastructure problems will be better resolved. While better ministers have been appointed in various portfolios, it is, however, necessary that more powers of supervision and control over infrastructure must be devolved to provinces. The scale of corruption in infrastructure spending is still a huge problem.

 One of South Africa’s weakest points is the state of municipalities. During the 2022/2023 financial year, the auditor-general identified a total of 268 substantial irregularities in the country’s 257 municipalities which led to a loss of more than R5 billion. Only 29% of municipalities received clean audits during this period, which means that only 34 of the 257 municipalities received a clean audit, compared to the already low number of 38 in the previous financial year.

 Most of South Africa’s municipalities are almost dysfunctional with little service delivery such as refuse removal, water supply and road repairs. Many municipalities spend more than 80% of their budgets on salaries and have little, if any, money left to improve infrastructure. A huge task lies ahead for the capable leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party, Velenkosini Hlabisa, who in the GNU was tasked, among other things, with helping municipalities get their act together.

 

  1. Service delivery

 A majority of South Africans have lost their trust in the government. The new GNU offers a glimmer of hope for many, but people are wary of getting too optimistic. High expectations of better service delivery, including housing, medical care, social care, education, post-school training, public transport and access to clean water, sewerage, electricity and other municipal services, were the order of the day during the 1990s and early 2000s. Since then, however, it has faded.

 Over the past two decades, large protests, sometimes even violent, have increased in South Africa. This is mostly related to problems with service delivery. Service delivery is also one of the most important political issues for a majority of South Africans.

 The reason why I highlight this as one of the most important current challenges is the effect it can have on political stability in South Africa in the run-up to the next municipal election. Voters, with good reason, link municipal elections directly to service delivery, and for this reason the extent to which service delivery improves or deteriorates over the next almost two years can have a significant effect on the political balance of power in South Africa.

 Populist parties such as the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MK) are going to use problems with service delivery to their advantage over the next months to turn voters against the GNU, but also to radicalise voters, to increase protests and even violence and to fuel political tension.

 While the GNU has a primary task of stabilising the national government in South Africa, particularly in terms of the state’s finances, combating crime and corruption and creating a climate conducive to economic growth, it is also essential that substantial evidence of an improvement in service delivery will have to be shown.

 In one field, education, it has been clear lately that populists are prepared to try to transform the small amount of successful schools that could harm education in South Africa even further.

 

  1. Foreign relations

 South Africa’s foreign relations have suffered greatly in recent years. Under the leadership of the previous minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Naledi Pandor, South Africa’s relationship with the United States, but also with other Western countries, suffered a lot. This was mainly due to South Africa’s close cooperation with Russia, Iran and China and South Africa’s numerous pronouncements against Israel.

 Although there are huge opportunities for South Africa in the broadening of its foreign relations, also within the BRICS grouping, South Africa’s ties with the West are still essential for economic success.

 This year, like last year, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa was not invited to the G7 summit (held in Japan and Italy, respectively) after the South African head of state had been invited every year for twenty years before that. It is clear that there is great concern among all the G7 countries about South Africa’s reliability as a non-aligned country.

 Although Western countries are comfortable with South Africa as a non-aligned country, for the last few years it increasingly seems that South Africa’s words and actions on this do not match. A huge task lies ahead to restore this trust.

 The best opportunity for South Africa is the G20 summit that will take place in South Africa in 2025. In the run-up to this summit, South Africa can reaffirm its position as the gateway to Africa for countries in the West and the Global South. However, this will require a much greater degree of restraint in the country’s foreign relations – something that has yet to happen.

 If South Africa wants to solve its problems of stagnation, smarter foreign relations, which strengthen trust and therefore lead to greater investments and stronger trade relations, are essential. The GNU should regard this as a primary objective.

 

Summary

 The Government of National Unity has transformed strong feelings of apathy, public displeasure and even anger among South Africans into feelings of hope and optimism. However, these feelings will not last long if concrete successes, especially economic, in the fight against crime and in the improvement of service delivery and infrastructure, are not achieved.

 The GNU is also viewed with cautious optimism internationally. Worldwide, South Africa is still regarded as a country of huge potential. Owing to the growth in population, but also economic growth in Africa, many multinational companies still consider South Africa as the ideal country to serve as a starting point for business in Africa.

 Fifteen things must be accomplished by the end of 2025, i.e. 15 months from now, to show that the phase of decay in South Africa has been successfully reversed:

  1. Plans for land expropriation without compensation must not proceed and property rights must be confirmed.
  2. The state’s finances must be better controlled, with the debt burden in particular to be reduced so that the country’s credit rating can improve.
  3. Foreign investors must be lured back by offering a stable policy environment that is more favourable to foreign investment.
  4. Economic growth must rise substantially – higher than what is currently expected.
  5. South Africa must be removed from the international grey list.
  6. Accomplices to state capture must be prosecuted and corruption in the public service must be actively curbed with a national strategy to track down and successfully prosecute corrupt public service officials.
  7. The criminal justice system needs to be improved in its entirety, with the police, courts and prisons all having to play a greater role in contributing to the eradication of crime.
  8. The incidence of crime, especially violent crimes, must begin to decrease with a clear plan from the government and police to reduce crime sustainably.
  9. The problems with South Africa’s rail service and ports must be addressed with a clear improvement in the handling of freight transport.
  10. South Africa must go to great lengths to reassert its position as a truly non-aligned country, which will require greater caution in dealing with Russia, Iran and similar countries.
  11. A favourable G20 summit must be presented where South Africa presents itself within the context of “New to Next South Africa”.
  12. The loss of skills must be curtailed by making it attractive for skilled and competent South Africans to stay in South Africa.
  13. Minority rights must be better protected and the extremely high levels of discrimination against minorities, such as the current attack on schools where Afrikaans is the language of instruction, must be stopped.
  14. Civil society must organise itself even better and act as an important guardian over the priorities of the GNU to be a source of moderate criticism and deliver constructive criticism and concrete proposals, in contrast to the criticism of left-populist (and often hateful) groups.
  15. The proposed national dialogue, which was put forward even before the election and since then has been especially encouraged by former President Thabo Mbeki and organisations such as the Solidarity Movement, must take place with a focus on allowing a broader segment of South African society effective participation in the future of South Africa.

 

The next 15 months are likely to be a critical period for South Africa. Prior to the election in May, the country was on the brink of becoming a failed state. While there are signs of hope and optimism, this certainly does not mean that the country now is in a safer position away from the precipice. The international community must play a role in influencing South Africa’s policy environment, remain economically involved and especially help strengthen democracy, help promote minority rights and create a platform where the future of South Africa can be discussed and considered from different quarters, and not only from the position of the ANC, which now is no longer a majority government.

 

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison, Solidarity Movement

Inleiding
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Slot

Geskiedenisfonds

ʼn Fonds wat help om die Afrikanergeskiedenis te bevorder.

FAK

Die Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) is reeds in 1929 gestig. Vandag is die FAK steeds dié organisasie wat jou toelaat om kreatief te wees in jou taal en kultuur. Die FAK is ’n toekomsgerigte kultuurorganisasie wat ’n tuiste vir die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur bied en die trotse Afrikanergeskiedenis positief bevorder.

Solidariteit Helpende Hand

Solidariteit Helpende Hand fokus op maatskaplike welstand en dié organisasie se groter visie is om oplossings vir die hantering van Afrikanerarmoede te vind.

Solidariteit Helpende Hand se roeping is om armoede deur middel van gemeenskapsontwikkeling op te los. Solidariteit Helpende Hand glo dat mense ʼn verantwoordelikheid teenoor mekaar en teenoor die gemeenskap het.

Solidariteit Helpende Hand is geskoei op die idees van die Afrikaner-Helpmekaarbeweging van 1949 met ʼn besondere fokus op “help”, “saam” en “ons.”

Forum Sekuriteit

Forum Sekuriteit is in die lewe geroep om toonaangewende, dinamiese en doeltreffende privaat sekuriteitsdienste in

Suid-Afrika te voorsien en op dié wyse veiligheid in gemeenskappe te verhoog.

AfriForumTV

AfriForumTV is ʼn digitale platform wat aanlyn en gratis is en visuele inhoud aan lede en nielede bied. Intekenaars kan verskeie kanale in die gemak van hul eie huis op hul televisiestel, rekenaar of selfoon verken deur van die AfriForumTV-app gebruik te maak. AfriForumTV is nóg ʼn kommunikasiestrategie om die publiek bewus te maak van AfriForum se nuus en gebeure, maar ook om vermaak deur films en fiksie- en realiteitsreekse te bied. Hierdie inhoud gaan verskaf word deur AfriForumTV self, instellings binne die Solidariteit Beweging en eksterne inhoudverskaffers.

AfriForum Uitgewers

AfriForum Uitgewers (voorheen bekend as Kraal Uitgewers) is die trotse uitgewershuis van die Solidariteit Beweging en is die tuiste van Afrikaanse niefiksie-, Afrikanergeskiedenis- én prima Afrikaanse produkte. Dié uitgewer het onlangs sy fokus verskuif en gaan voortaan slegs interne publikasies van die Solidariteit Beweging publiseer.

AfriForum Jeug

AfriForum Jeug is die amptelike jeugafdeling van AfriForum, die burgerregte-inisiatief wat deel van die Solidariteit Beweging vorm. AfriForum Jeug berus op Christelike beginsels en ons doel is om selfstandigheid onder jong Afrikaners te bevorder en die realiteite in Suid-Afrika te beïnvloed deur veldtogte aan te pak en aktief vir jongmense se burgerregte standpunt in te neem.

De Goede Hoop-koshuis

De Goede Hoop is ʼn moderne, privaat Afrikaanse studentekoshuis met hoë standaarde. Dit is in Pretoria geleë.

De Goede Hoop bied ʼn tuiste vir dinamiese studente met Christelike waardes en ʼn passie vir Afrikaans; ʼn tuiste waar jy as jongmens in gesonde studentetradisies kan deel en jou studentwees met selfvertroue in Afrikaans kan uitleef.

Studiefondssentrum

DIE HELPENDE HAND STUDIETRUST (HHST) is ʼn inisiatief van Solidariteit Helpende Hand en is ʼn geregistreerde openbare weldaadsorganisasie wat behoeftige Afrikaanse studente se studie moontlik maak deur middel van rentevrye studielenings.

Die HHST administreer tans meer as 200 onafhanklike studiefondse namens verskeie donateurs en het reeds meer as 6 300 behoeftige studente se studie moontlik gemaak met ʼn totaal van R238 miljoen se studiehulp wat verleen is.

S-leer

Solidariteit se sentrum vir voortgesette leer is ʼn opleidingsinstelling wat voortgesette professionele ontwikkeling vir professionele persone aanbied. S-leer het ten doel om werkendes met die bereiking van hul loopbaandoelwitte by te staan deur die aanbieding van seminare, kortkursusse, gespreksgeleenthede en e-leer waarin relevante temas aangebied en bespreek word.

Solidariteit Jeug

Solidariteit Jeug berei jongmense voor vir die arbeidsmark, staan op vir hul belange en skakel hulle in by die Netwerk van Werk. Solidariteit Jeug is ʼn instrument om jongmense te help met loopbaankeuses en is ʼn tuiskomplek vir jongmense.

Solidariteit Regsfonds

ʼn Fonds om die onregmatige toepassing van regstellende aksie teen te staan.

Solidariteit Boufonds

ʼn Fonds wat spesifiek ten doel het om Solidariteit se opleidingsinstellings te bou.

Solidariteit Finansiële Dienste (SFD)

SFD is ʼn gemagtigde finansiëledienstemaatskappy wat deel is van die Solidariteit Beweging. Die instelling se visie is om die toekomstige finansiële welstand, finansiële sekerheid en volhoubaarheid van Afrikaanse individue en ondernemings te bevorder. SFD doen dit deur middel van mededingende finansiële dienste en produkte, in Afrikaans en met uitnemende diens vir ʼn groter doel aan te bied.

Ons Sentrum

Die Gemeenskapstrukture-afdeling bestaan tans uit twee mediese ondersteuningsprojekte en drie gemeenskapsentrums, naamlik Ons Plek in die Strand, Derdepoort en Volksrust. Die drie gemeenskapsentrums is gestig om veilige kleuter- en/of naskoolversorging in die onderskeie gemeenskappe beskikbaar te stel. Tans akkommodeer die gemeenskapsentrums altesaam 158 kinders in die onderskeie naskoolsentrums, terwyl Ons Plek in die Strand 9 kleuters en Ons Plek in Volksrust 16 kleuters in die kleuterskool het.

Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS)

Die Solidariteit Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS) se visie is om die toekoms van Christelike, Afrikaanse onderwys te (help) verseker deur gehalte onderrig wat reeds bestaan in stand te (help) hou, én waar nodig nuut te (help) bou.

Die SOS se doel is om elke skool in ons land waar onderrig in Afrikaans aangebied word, by te staan om in die toekoms steeds onderrig van wêreldgehalte te bly bied en wat tred hou met die nuutste navorsing en internasionale beste praktyke.

Sol-Tech

Sol-Tech is ʼn geakkrediteerde, privaat beroepsopleidingskollege wat op Christelike waardes gefundeer is en Afrikaans as onderrigmedium gebruik.

Sol-Tech fokus op beroepsopleiding wat tot die verwerwing van nasionaal erkende, bruikbare kwalifikasies lei. Sol-Tech het dus ten doel om jongmense se toekomsdrome met betrekking tot loopbaanontwikkeling deur doelspesifieke opleiding te verwesenlik.

Akademia

Akademia is ’n Christelike hoëronderwysinstelling wat op ’n oop, onbevange en kritiese wyse ’n leidinggewende rol binne die hedendaagse universiteitswese speel.

Akademia streef daarna om ʼn akademiese tuiste te bied waar sowel die denke as die hart gevorm word met die oog op ʼn betekenisvolle en vrye toekoms.

AfriForum Publishers

AfriForum Uitgewers (previously known as Kraal Uitgewers) is the proud publishing house of the Solidarity Movement and is the home of Afrikaans non-fiction, products related to the Afrikaner’s history, as well as other prime Afrikaans products. The publisher recently shifted its focus and will only publish internal publications of the Solidarity Movement from now on.

Maroela Media

Maroela Media is ʼn Afrikaanse internetkuierplek waar jy alles kan lees oor dit wat in jou wêreld saak maak – of jy nou in Suid-Afrika bly of iewers anders woon en deel van die Afrikaanse Maroela-gemeenskap wil wees. Maroela Media se Christelike karakter vorm die kern van sy redaksionele beleid.

Kanton Beleggingsmaatskappy

Kanton is ʼn beleggingsmaatskappy vir eiendom wat deur die Solidariteit Beweging gestig is. Die eiendomme van die Solidariteit Beweging dien as basis van die portefeulje wat verder deur ontwikkeling uitgebrei sal word.

Kanton is ʼn vennootskap tussen kultuur en kapitaal en fokus daarop om volhoubare eiendomsoplossings aan instellings in die Afrikaanse gemeenskap teen ʼn goeie opbrengs te voorsien sodat hulle hul doelwitte kan bereik.

Wolkskool

Wolkskool is ʼn produk van die Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS), ʼn niewinsgewende organisasie met ʼn span onderwyskundiges wat ten doel het om gehalte- Afrikaanse onderrig te help verseker. Wolkskool bied ʼn platform waar leerders 24-uur toegang tot video-lesse, vraestelle, werkkaarte met memorandums en aanlyn assessering kan kry.

Ajani

Ajani is ‘n privaat geregistreerde maatskappy wat dienste aan ambagstudente ten opsigte van plasing by werkgewers bied.

Ajani is a registered private company that offers placement opportunities to artisan students in particular.

Begrond Instituut

Die Begrond Instituut is ʼn Christelike navorsingsinstituut wat die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur gemeenskap bystaan om Bybelse antwoorde op belangrike lewensvrae te kry.

Sakeliga

ʼn Onafhanklike sake-organisasie

Pretoria FM en Klankkoerant

ʼn Gemeenskapsgebaseerde radiostasie en nuusdiens

Saai

ʼn Familieboer-landbounetwerk wat hom daarvoor beywer om na die belange van familieboere om te sien deur hul regte te beskerm en te bevorder.

Ons Winkel

Ons Winkels is Solidariteit Helpende Hand se skenkingswinkels. Daar is bykans 120 winkels landwyd waar lede van die publiek skenkings van tweedehandse goedere – meubels, kombuisware, linne en klere – kan maak. Die winkels ontvang die skenkings en verkoop goeie kwaliteit items teen bekostigbare pryse aan die publiek.

AfriForum

AfriForum is ʼn burgerregte-organisasie wat Afrikaners, Afrikaanssprekende mense en ander minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika mobiliseer en hul regte beskerm.

AfriForum is ʼn nieregeringsorganisasie wat as ʼn niewinsgewende onderneming geregistreer is met die doel om minderhede se regte te beskerm. Terwyl die organisasie volgens die internasionaal erkende beginsel van minderheidsbeskerming funksioneer, fokus AfriForum spesifiek op die regte van Afrikaners as ʼn gemeenskap wat aan die suidpunt van die vasteland woon. Lidmaatskap is nie eksklusief nie en enige persoon wat hom of haar met die inhoud van die organisasies se Burgerregte-manifes vereenselwig, kan by AfriForum aansluit.