The Solidarity Movement, with Solidarity and AfriForum counting among its institutions, has reached a settlement with the government at Nedlac over the BELA dispute. The parties to the dispute at Nedlac were Solidarity, the Presidency and the Minister of Basic Education. Nedlac has confirmed that the dispute has been resolved.
In terms of the settlement, the controversial sections in the BELA Act will no longer be implemented on 13 December.
Norms and standards and national policies and regulations must first be developed which will, among other things, determine that schools which are running at their full capacity may not receive instructions to change their language and admission policy.
With regard to language and admission policy, the school’s immediate environment and/or its feeding zone, and not the larger education district, must be taken into account.
The execution of the recommendations does not exclude the possibility that there may be a need for future legislative amendments to section 4/ and or 5 of the BELA Act.
This will all form part of a process in which the Minister of Basic Education Siviwe Gwarube will make comprehensive recommendations to Pres. Ramaphosa for his due consideration.
However, this settlement does not affect the process of the Government of National Unity (GNU) or any other processes regarding BELA. The Solidarity Movement will, however, present the outcome of the settlement to the Government of National Unity.
The settlement is supported by the Solidarity Movement, AfriForum, the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools and the Afrikaanse Onderwysnetwerk.
According to Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, the settlement is the outcome of various processes. This includes talks with Pres Ramaphosa, negotiations with political parties, including the ANC, the DA and the FF+, the big march from the Voortrekker Monument to Freedom Park, talks with traditional leaders, a process at PanSAT and the Nedlac process.
Dr Dirk Hermann, Solidarity’s chief executive, says that although the settlement is a major breakthrough, further hard work still lies ahead. The important breakthrough is that we now again have time on our side where Afrikaans schools that are full to capacity will not receive instructions about language and admission. During this period there will be tough talk about norms and standards and Solidarity will also propose possible possible legislative amendments. Schools do not have to let themselves be bullied by officials.
“The BELA struggle has been the most important battle AfriForum has been involved in since its establishment. BELA’s provisions on the language policy of schools, if implemented, posed a serious threat to the survival of Afrikaans cultural communities. It is not only Afrikaans schools and children who would be targeted by its implementation, but also the pursuit of mother tongue education for all cultural communities. We have already had several discussions with traditional leaders, and it is clear that they share the aspiration that children receive mother tongue education in their respective communities. We can only thank everyone who supported the campaign against BELA. The public’s overwhelming support and the fact that thousands of people participated in the march against BELA were the deciding factor,” Kallie Kriel, AfriForum’s chief executive said.
The settlement also confirms the different roles of the Minster of Basic Education and the President:
The role of the President with regard to the BELA Act is to assent to and proclaim the commencement of the provisions of the Act.
The role of the Minister of Basic Education, as the primary custodian of the portfolio of Basic Education, is to ensure the proper implementation of the BELA Act, including:
• making recommendations to the President on the commencement arrangements for the Act; and
• ensuring that the implementation of the Act is supported by appropriate national regulations, national norms and standards and/or national policies.
The settlement also provides for further developments on mother tongue education that extend beyond Afrikaans only.
The Solidarity Movement acknowledges all the role players for the constructive manner in which the dispute was handled. The outcome is a win for all parties and the country.
Find attached the signed settlement documents here and here.
Building resilient institutions in hostile circumstances (Speech at the International Conservatism Summit, Bratislava, 11 November 2024, written by Ernst Roets, head of the Afrikaner Foundation.)
“If you want to know what the future of Western Europe will look like, look at what is happening in South Africa.” This was the introductory remarks to a recent series of articles in the popular Hungarian newspaper Demokrata. The series was about the deterioration of South Africa and the initiatives of the Afrikaner people to ensure a future for ourselves through the variety of institutions that form part of the Solidarity Movement. Demokrata’s conclusion was not a lone voice in the wilderness.
In our international efforts, we have noticed that it is necessary to explain that South Africa should not only be looked at in order to get a glimpse of what the future might hold as far as crises are concerned; potential solutions should also be observed.
When the Iron Curtain fell, it was generally interpreted to signal the collapse of communism and the advent of liberal democracy. Even though South Africa was internationally celebrated as an example of the triumph of liberal democracy, it was, in truth, a victory for left-wing ideology.
This is because the South African Communist Party (SACP), an ally of the African National Congress (ANC), argued at the time that communism had failed because it wasn’t applied properly. Stalinism was not real communism, they said. Communist Party intellectuals in South Africa had the revolutionary idea that for communism to succeed, it would need to promote radical ends through moderate means. The goal was clear – a communist state, dictatorship of the proletariat and complete control over property. The appropriate way to achieve such ends, they argued, was not violent revolution, but to employ liberal democracy as a means of achieving this end.
And so, the strategy was simple – the revolutionary movement had to present itself as freedom loving liberal democrats, to gain international approval, popular support and – most importantly – disarm their political enemies. Through these moderate claims, they were to rise to power in a multi-party democracy under a liberal constitution. This, they argued, was phase one of the revolution. The goal of phase one was to take control of the levers of power.
Once these things were achieved and South Africa was internationally celebrated for adopting the “most liberal” and “most democratic” constitution in history, the ANC and the SACP declared that the liberal democratic dispensation was merely a beach-head – a temporary victory – on the road to revolution.
In 2012, the party announced that it was now ready for the “second transition” as a means of implementing the “second phase of the revolution”. This implied using the levers of power that they now controlled to navigate the country toward more aggressive socialism. What followed was a flood of destructive laws, bills and policy ideas, including:
an attempt to create a media regulation tribunal;
to severely increase the power of the government to declare random pieces of information as “secret” and to criminalize the publication thereof;
implementing a large-scale socialist healthcare system;
eroding the property rights clause in the Constitution to empower the state to confiscate private property without compensation; and
taking control of well-functioning Afrikaans schools to force them to “transform” into dysfunctional English schools.
During all of this, the Afrikaner community that I represent became especially vulnerable because of three factors:
We are a successful minority.
We are a discredited minority.
We are an easily identifiable minority.
And so, the Leviathan that we – the Afrikaners – built during the previous century – was turned against us, and aggressively so. Under the banner of promoting “non-racialism” the ANC government wrote and implemented more than 116 race laws, aimed at excluding and exploiting the white minority in particular. In a dark ironic twist of fate, the party that was celebrated internationally for bringing freedom and equality to South Africa, succeeded in using the “most liberal” and “most democratic” constitution in the world to implement and preside over the most race laws in history. Nowhere in history has there been a country with more race laws than the current South Africa government.
And so, only a madman would argue that the solution for the Afrikaner people under these circumstances is to pray for the political regime to protect us. But it turns out, unfortunately, that mad men (and mad women) are in ample supply.
Instead of waiting for the government, we decided to do it ourselves. We started a movement, the Solidarity Movement – a network that now consists of more than 50 institutions and 700 000 members who make monthly contributions to our work – to take care of our own community.
This is why we say that we believe ourselves to be also ahead of the curve as far as solutions are concerned.
This network of institutions has been described as a state within a state, a parallel state, and as a de facto government for the Afrikaner people. This is because these institutions cover a large variety of spheres necessary for our nation to flourish, fulfilling a variety of responsibilities typically regarded as the role of the government. For the sake of brevity, I will only mention some examples:
Solidarity focusses on employment and workers’ rights, especially with regard to freedom in the workplace.
AfriForum focusses on community organising, and safety and security within these communities.
The Solidarity Helping Hand focusses on support for impoverished communities and the provision of bursaries for underprivileged young people to study.
The Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisations is a network of cultural organisations aimed at protecting and promoting the Afrikaans language and Afrikaner culture.
The Support Centre for Schools works to support Afrikaans schools and combat destructive policy ideas with regard to education.
Akademia is a private institution of higher learning where Afrikaans students can do tertiary studies from a classical Christian perspective in their own language.
Sol-Tech is a technical college providing artisan training for young Afrikaans-speaking people.
Maroela Media is the largest online Afrikaans news website.
The Orania Development Company is actively involved with infrastructure development to accelerate the growth of the Afrikaner cultural community known as Orania. The aim is to develop Orania from a town currently inhabited by several thousand people into a fully-fledged Afrikaner city.
The Afrikaner Foundation – that I represent – works to promote international cooperation and reclaim our rightful place in the international community, by actively contributing to the preservation of Western civilization from our unique experience and perspective.
Every nation is unique. It would be irresponsible to attempt to merely copy solutions that have worked in one place and apply them to another. Having said this, there are some universal truths, based on which we can reach some conclusions. These truths can be discovered from a combination of common sense and experience.
And two important common-sense conclusions are firstly that more state control to fix societal issues is almost always a bad idea, and secondly, that more community involvement is almost always a good idea.
People are quick to conclude that many of the problems of the West are the result of government overreach – and rightly so. However, this ought to be only one part of the two-sided conclusion. This is because government overreach is a result of (and a contributing factor to) the withdrawal of communities and the erosion of community life. Under the banner of statist individualism, our moral frame of reference is no longer defined by our responsibilities toward our communities, but by the individual rights with which we demand protection by the state. This creates a vicious circle: demanding more protection by the state, from the state, necessarily implies strengthening the state, and strengthening the state usually leads to more demands for protection… by the state.
South Africa is ahead of the curve because we can see the consequences of the strange combination of government overreach and government incompetence in a very tangible way. But also, we believe that the Afrikaner people are ahead of the curve in a very important way because we are actively working on returning to one of the most important truths on which Western civilization was built – the building and strengthening of institutions that are not dependent on the state to flourish, but on the community.
In doing this, we are not – as some on the Left would argue – on the side of oppression, exclusion, bigotry or hate. We are on the side of love. Love for God, love for tradition, love for culture, love for community, love for our families, and love for the hard work that we are doing with our God-given talents to carry the treasures that we have inherited from those who were here before us safely through the crowd.
Ernst Roets is the head of the Afrikaner Foundation in South Africa
The Afrikaner Foundation works to promote international cooperation with and support for the Afrikaner people, for the Afrikaner people to take up their rightful place in the international community once again, and to contribute with a particular focus on the preservation of the Western tradition.
De Basic Education Amendment Act (Bela) trekt ook internationale aandacht vanwege de impact die deze kan hebben op het Afrikaanse onderwijs.
Voor veel leden van de Afrikaanse gemeenschap, maar ook voor buitenlandse aanhangers van het Afrikaans, wordt de Bela Act gezien als een bedreiging voor het behoud van het Afrikaans als instructiemiddel en zelfs voor de cultuur van de Afrikaner gemeenschap.
Kristof Slagmulder, parlementslid uit het Vlaams Belang, uitte woensdag tijdens een parlementaire zitting in België zijn zorgen over de toekomst van het Afrikaans in Zuid-Afrika tegenover de minister-president van Vlaanderen, Matthias Diependaele; dit vooral omdat Vlaanderen en Zuid-Afrika sterke historische en taalkundige banden delen.
‘De Afrikanergemeenschap in Zuid-Afrika ervaart al enige tijd druk op haar taal en cultuur. Hoewel dit wordt ontkend, lijkt het erop dat de Zuid-Afrikaanse regering ook aandringt op het uitwissen van de Afrikaner-identiteit en de Afrikaanse taal.
“Ik ben twee keer in Zuid-Afrika geweest en heb het met eigen ogen gezien”, vertelde Slagmulder aan Diependaele.
‘De wijziging van de Bela-wet dreigt het Afrikaans als onderwijstaal in de toekomst onmogelijk te maken. Ik zag de protestactie van duizenden Afrikaners bij het Voortrekkermonument. Daarom heb ik beslist om de Vlaamse minister-president hierover te benaderen.”
Hij legde Diependaele verder uit dat de artikelen 4 en 5 van het wetsvoorstel de Zuid-Afrikaanse regering de macht geven om het taal- en toelatingsbeleid op scholen te bepalen.
“Dit roept zorgen op dat scholen gedwongen zouden kunnen worden hun huidige taalbeleid, dat mogelijk in het Afrikaans is, aan te passen; het zal uiteindelijk de toekomst van het Afrikaans als instructietaal in gevaar brengen.”
Voor Slagmulder en andere Europese bondgenoten van de Afrikaanssprekende gemeenschap is de kwestie van taalgevoelig onderwijs van fundamenteel belang.
“Als de Bela Act in zijn huidige vorm wordt aangenomen, vrezen veel Afrikaners en Afrikanerverenigingen dat dit het einde zal betekenen van bijna alle openbare Afrikaanse scholen, en zonder deze scholen zal het voor de Afrikaanse taalgemeenschap erg moeilijk zijn om te blijven bestaan. ”
Slagmulder zegt de ontwikkeling van de wet nauwlettend te hebben gevolgd en de Vlaamse minister-president regelmatig te hebben gevraagd naar de mogelijkheid om de steun van de Belgische en Vlaamse overheid voor Afrikaanse taal- en cultuurinitiatieven in Zuid-Afrika uit te breiden.
“Als lid van de commissie buitenlands beleid in het Vlaams Parlement volg ik al een tijdje de politiek en de media in Zuid-Afrika.
‘Ik heb verschillende vragen gesteld over de Afrikaner, zijn taal en zijn afkomst, maar ook over de boerderijmoorden in het land.
“Ik heb de vorige Vlaamse minister-president bijvoorbeeld een lijst bezorgd van vermoorde boeren en hun families in Zuid-Afrika. De lijst was 65 pagina’s lang.”
Slagmulder zegt dat het verlies van moedertaalonderwijs niet alleen het voortbestaan van een taal zal bedreigen, maar ook de culturele identiteit van de gemeenschap die die taal gebruikt in gevaar zal brengen.
“Minister-president, gaat u extra initiatieven ondernemen om het behoud van het Afrikaans op de agenda te zetten bij internationale taal- en cultuurorganisaties? Bent u bereid dit onderwerp onder de aandacht van de organisaties te brengen”, vroeg Slagmulder aan Diependaele.
Hij zegt dat Vlaanderen en Nederland historische en taalkundige banden delen met Zuid-Afrika en het Afrikaans.
‘Daarom denk ik dat er solidariteit moet zijn met de Afrikaanssprekende gemeenschap.
“Ook in Vlaanderen zijn er taalproblemen. Ik woon in de Denderstreek en ook het Nederlands verdwijnt door de toenemende verfransing. We ervaren ook veel druk om onze universiteiten verder te verengelsen.”
Slagmulder zegt dat hoewel de Bela-wet een Zuid-Afrikaanse wet is en geen invloed heeft in Vlaanderen, het hem om het principe gaat.
‘Een taalgemeenschap zal het moeilijk hebben om te overleven als haar kinderen niet langer onderwijs in hun moedertaal kunnen krijgen. In dit geval is het Afrikaans, dat door enkele miljoenen mensen wordt gesproken.”
Hij gelooft dat diplomatieke druk en internationaal bewustzijn tot op zekere hoogte kunnen bijdragen aan de bescherming van de rechten van Afrikaanse scholen en gemeenschappen.
“Vanuit Vlaanderen kunnen we in Zuid-Afrika niet zomaar de wet veranderen. Dat is zeker niet de bedoeling. Elk land maakt zijn eigen wetten. Maar dit betekent niet dat we, gezien onze historische banden, geen internationale aandacht kunnen trekken om het Afrikaans als volwaardige onderwijstaal te beschermen en te promoten.
“Ik hoop zeker dat er in de toekomst samenwerking komt tussen Vlaamse en Afrikaanse universiteiten zoals Akademia.
“De Vlaamse regering gaf eerder aan hier heel sympathiek naar te kijken, maar dan moet de vraag vanuit Zuid-Afrika gesteld worden. Het zou mooi zijn als er samengewerkt kan worden”, zegt Slagmulder.
This was the simple but clear message that a crowd of more than 10 000 people conveyed today during the Bela protest march to every party and politician involved in South Africa’s Government of National Unity (GNU).
The Solidarity Movement, Solidarity, AfriForum, the Solidarity School Support Centre (SOS) and other organisations with an interest in Afrikaans education led the march in protest against the sections on public school admission and language policies included in the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act 32 of 2024 (the Bela Act).
Thousands of protesters marched against the BELA Act on 5 November.
The DA and FF+, supporters of the protest action, received a memorandum containing demands, following which protesters embarked on a peaceful march spanning approximately 1,8 km from the Voortrekker Monument along Reconciliation Road towards Freedom Park.
Here the memorandum, which was signed by more than 40 organisations, was handed over to Gayton McKenzie, as representative of the Precedency.
John Steenhuisen (DA leader) and Pieter Groenewald (FF+ leader) and the leaders of the Solidarity Movement’s institutions formed the front line of the procession.
According to Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, contemporary colonialists such as Panyaza Lesufi, the premier of Gauteng, and Matome Chiloane, the MEC for Education in this province, are trying to anglicise Afrikaans schools like the colonialists of old. “They will not succeed. Afrikaans will remain. What we do here today is out of love. Unlike Lesufi and Co, our actions are not motivated by hatred towards other groups. It’s out of love for our children. It is out of love for our schools. It is out of love for our task, our heritage, and the country,” explains Buys.
Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement
“Bela is our red line. We convey this message to all political parties in the GNU to ensure they understand the intensity of the community’s sentiments. More than 10 000 people said today that they will not allow their children’s future to be taken away,” explains Dr Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity.
Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity
Kallie Kriel, CEO of AfriForum, labels the protest march as a “historic day” and the largest march of Afrikaans speakers since 1994. “People are angry, and they have come here to show it today. A law that targets Afrikaans schools and threatens our cultural survival has angered them.”
Leon Fourie, CEO of SOS, maintains that today’s protest action sends a clear message to the government. He also condemns the government’s laxity and apathy and emphasises that the government has not only not built a single Afrikaans school over the past 30 years but also does not take mother language teaching seriously and openly expresses hatred towards Afrikaans schools. “Today it’s about more than just ourselves or our generation,” he explains. “It’s about generations yet to come.”
Steenhuisen emphasized during the signing of the memorandum that the language and admissions policy clause in the law gives too much power to the state and takes too much power away from parents and communities. “Our Constitution is clear. Every person has the right to education in the language or languages of their choice. These rights that are in our Constitution can no longer just be erased with a pen,” he explains. “We cannot hand this power over to a provincial officer in an office that sits far from the school and local community.”
DA leader, John Steenhuisen
Groenewald, for his part, denounced the ANC’s abuse of power with the adoption of the law in parliament before the national election, “because they knew they might not be the government after the election”. He pleaded for a change through the influence in the GNU. “Every step you take here today is a step of change.” He concluded by referring to the importance of mother language: “I am an Afrikaner and I am proud of it. Part of my pride is my mother language. That is why we must ensure that our pride is not trampled on.”
Pieter Groenewald, leader of the Vryheidsfront Plus
The PA leader, McKenzie, who also secured entry to the Freedom Park site, received the memorandum on behalf of the Presidency. He thanked President Cyril Ramaphosa for listening to the voice of the Afrikaans community by postponing the implementation of the two articles. He, however, emphasised that the fight would continue. “We will fight for Afrikaans, because Afrikaans is not going anywhere.”
PA leader, Gayton McKenzie
The institutions of the Solidarity Movement have today recommitted themselves to the ongoing struggle against the implementation of Section 4 and 5 of the Bela Act. Today’s visible demonstration is a powerful gesture, but only one way in which the institutions will stand up for mother language education, Afrikaans, teachers and children.
According to Buys, the negotiations with representatives of the GNU will now be met with clear evidence in hand – evidence from the thousands of South Africans who regard Bela as a red line and will not stand back and watch Afrikaans education be wiped out for political gain.
Two assassination attempts, Biden’s Covid-19 diagnosis, a sudden change in the Democratic Party’s presidential candidate, numerous newsworthy debates, two huge hurricanes and a McDonald’s visit later, and we are finally on the eve of the American presidential election.
South Africans have been closely watching this roller coaster of events from the very beginning. Some South Africans are even more familiar with American politics than they are with our own politics. However, this interest is not a strange phenomenon, nor is it an unnecessary one.
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison, explains that America is still the world’s most powerful superpower, and it will remain as such for a few years to come. Therefore, South Africa has a major interest in being aware of the influence this superpower can have on our economy.
“Economically, South Africa depends strongly on trade with the USA and on investments from this country. What happens in America affects us all because it affects our exchange rate, as well as commodity prices, trade relations and global political and economic variables,” Kleynhans explained.
Kleynhans is a political expert with a particular interest in international politics. Part of his duties is to inform Afrikaners about the latest political events in the world and the influence of such events on South Africa. He does weekly talks on Afrikaans radio stations, writes articles for the Afrikaans media, and has his own podcast Wêreldwys (World Wise) where he explains complex politics in an understandable way to the public.
However, American politics is one of Kleynhans’s particular preferences. At one stage, he was himself involved in an election campaign for George W. Bush. Kleynhans will be in the USA from 5 November to report on developments in the election to South Africans. After the election, he will undertake a three-week tour of the USA, visiting Michigan, Wisconsin and Texas, among others, to discuss the Solidarity Movement’s cause with those interested in it.
“We engage with both Republicans and Democrats and have no motive to take sides. I will be meeting with members of both parties across the US, and in particular in Washington DC over the next three weeks. There are many Republicans and Democrats in the United States Congress who are interested in what happens in South Africa, and with whom we have already established a good rapport.”
For some years now the Solidarity Movement has been canvassing international support for South Africa and for Afrikaners. Jaco is one of the main players in this regard.
“For the past two years, I have been working on fostering ties with legislators in various states. We are about to draft important resolutions for consideration in some of the states’ legislatures. This may have far-reaching consequences.
Moreover, we have very sound contacts in in the Congress in Washington DC and with organisations that influence political policy. In my discussions with dozens of influential persons I will deal with various issues such as the Government of National Unity (GNU), AGOA, the position of minorities in South Africa, the BELA Act, the planned NHI, crime, BRICS, the ANC’s ties with Russia, China and Iran, while I will also focus on the work of the Solidarity Movement as well.”
Who does Kleynhans think will win the election, and what would the consequences be of such a result for South Africa?
If he has to take his best educated guess, Kleynhans believes Trump stands a good chance to win, but it will depend on who will be voting.
“Economically, a Trump victory can bring great opportunities and risk. The main opportunities are in trade as Trump is planning strong action against China. This will create new opportunities for South Africa to export even more products to the USA”.
Afrikaners have organised a massive march against the BELA Act (read more about it here) on the same day the American presidential election is taking place. For Afrikaners, to hold a protest march is a rare cultural phenomenon, and this day will certainly have a historical impact. Despite our own political turmoil and upheaval, America can know for sure that South Africans will still watch the American election with a hawk’s eye.
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison
A commemorative event for the former Zulu King, King Dinuzulu (1868-1913), was held on the Farm Rietfontein (Kwa Thengisangaye on Friday 18 October.
The reigning Zulu King, King Misuzulu KaZwelithini, invited AfriForum (an institution of the Solidarity Movement to the event. For these two parties this marks the beginning of formal discussions on cooperation between the Zulu communities and the Afrikaners.
King Misuzulu Zwelithini wants the talks to focus on cooperation in the fields of the economy, community safety, land management and cultural exchange, as well as other matters of joint interest.
This occasion was celebrated on the farm where King Dinuzulu died in exile on 18 October 1913, exactly 111 years ago.
A brief background on the Afrikaners and the Zulus
Many people who are not all that familiar with the history, are under the impression that the Afrikaners and the Zulus have a history of conflict and that, to this day, they live in animosity. This perception dates back to the times of the Great Trek.
Under the rule of King Dingaan, a cruel Zulu king, thousands of Zulus massacred innocent women, children and families during the Battle of Bloukrans. The Trekkers took revenge at the Battle of Blood River, a battle that claimed the lives of almost 10 000 Zulus.
In the aftermath of these events and King Dingaan’s death, the Voortrekkers, today’s Afrikaners, made peace with the Zulus. The Afrikaners even attended the inauguration of Dingaan’s successor, King Mpande. The Afrikaners and Zulus subsequently fought side by side on numerous occasions and cooperated whenever the opportunity presented itself.
This cooperation and peace clearly manifested in the he relationship King Dinuzulu had with the Afrikaners.
During the Bambata Rebellion against the British colonialists, King Dinuzulu was imprisoned in Newcastle. When South Africa became a Union the new Prime Minister, Louis Botha, ordered the release of the Zulu King.
After his release, King Dinuzulu was allowed to settle on the Farm Rietfontein where he spent his last years. Botha knew him well because, as a young man, Botha was a member of Comdt Lucas Meyer’s commando that supported King Dinuzulu in the victory over the Mandlakazi, a Zulu faction, during the Battle of Spookberg (Tshaneni) in 1884.
During the memorial event this month reference was made to the relationship between General Louis Botha and King Dinuzulu.
King Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
What does the future hold?
In his speech, the King emphasised among other things that the “historical alliances” that existed between the Afrikaners and the Zulus are “a reminder of the complexities and nuances of our past.”
“The relationships that existed between King Mpande, King Dinuzulu and the Boer leaders remind us of the intricate web of diplomacy and steadfastness that characterised our history,” King Misuzulu KaZweletini said.
According to Mwalela Cele, deputy head of research and innovation at Amafa, the KwaThengisangaye Site is a confirmation of the role that heritage can play in promoting peaceful coexistence.
“The site and the history and the heritage associated with it confirm that that there is more that unites us than what divides us in this beautiful country. It is very important to Amafa that sites such as this one are preserved and that memorials and plaques are erected so that they can be preserved for generations to come and so that people will be able to know their history,” Cele explained.
Barend Uys, head of intercultural relations and cooperation at AfriForum mentioned at the event that the present generation, like previous generations have the responsibility to ensure a future for generations to come. He maintains, that all peoples in the country are facing major challenges but that solutions beckon
AfriForum believes that all cultural communities should work together on a basis of mutual recognition and respect on matters that are important to us. The historical issue our generation has to resolve is the peaceful co-existence of all the peoples calling the southern tip of Afrika their home. What is happening here today can serve as a good start to ensure a peaceful co-existence. We are building trust. We are engaging in difficult talks that are necessary to achieve genuine reconciliation between peoples.”
Uys welcomed King Misuzulu’s positive response to a request for dialogue with the Afrikaans community.
“We are keenly looking forward to engage in talks with the king about issues that affect our respective communities, and to cooperate with the king,” Uys explained.
“AfriForum and Afrikaners choose to continue to exist with a sense of justice. We choose mutual recognition and respect. We choose a peaceful coexistence. What we are experiencing is that the other peoples in the country and especially the traditional leaders have also made the choice, and today’s celebrations were an exceptional example of that. We are also very grateful for the privilege of having King Misuzulu attending the occasion where he acted as keynote speaker.
Barend Uys of AfriForum, Frikkie Meyer (interpreter) and king Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
The Gauteng Department of Education (GDE’s) long history of hostile statements targeting Afrikaans single-medium schools serves as proof of how dangerous the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act (BELA) would be in the hands of such officials.
These hostile statements by, among others, the Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi, and his successor as MEC for Education Matome Chiloane are contained in a report by the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), which will be issued today.
According to Connie Mulder, head of the SRI, these statements, as well as the actions taken by the officials, offer enough reason to expect that the new powers granted to the GDE by BELA will be used aggressively against Afrikaans.
“Consequently, BELA becomes like a brand-new axe in the hands of someone who has been itching for a long time to fell a precious tree. Afrikaans education is that tree.
“A pattern has emerged over recent years that shows how the Gauteng Department of Education, and specifically Lesufi and Chiloane, in reality consider Afrikaans single-medium schools as something that must be eradicated in the name of transformation,” Mulder said.
In the report, the SRI also shows how this has already transpired in practice when the department unlawfully tried to place English learners at Hoërskool Overvaal in 2018.
Solidarity believes that the sections in BELA dealing with language and admission policy will therefore be used by the very same officials to instruct Afrikaans single-medium schools to offer dual-medium education from now on.
BELA’s wording on language need stipulates how sufficient consideration must be given to a school district’s language demography.
According to Mulder, this puts Afrikaans schools in the crossfire as no education district exists where Afrikaans represents more than 30% of the language requirement.
“Only about 5% of schools in the country are exclusively Afrikaans (is dit reg? Wat is Gauteng se syfer?). Under BELA, these single-medium schools will be destroyed to meet the so-called language needs of the district, unless a head of department is willing to protect the schools.
“We know the Gauteng Department of Education has failed dismally with the building of schools, and in Lesufi’s term of office as MEC for Education there was a negative growth in schools,” Mulder said.
The report points out that after Lesufi’s term of office, there actually were nine fewer schools in Gauteng but approximately 300 000 more learners.
According to Mulder, in order to revert to the learner-school ratio of 2009, the GDE will have to build 552 new schools immediately – not the 60 schools Lesufi claims are necessary to meet the growing demand for education in the province.
Mulder also referred to the government’s failure to meet the demand for schools as an uncomfortable fact that Lesufi and others would like to cover up by capturing well-functioning Afrikaans schools.
Read the full report on the impact of BELA on Gauteng here.
Connie Mulder, head of Solidarity Research Institute.
During the latter part of every year numerous organisations issue their lists of global risks for the next year. Major companies use these lists to do their planning to ensure that they are hedged against those risks.
In addition to all the usual matters, natural disasters, political uncertainty and so on, there is a new one this year: “Trump’s protectionism” which, according to the World Economic Forum (WEF), poses a significant risk to the global economy. I have never really been bothered by the WEF’s talk about how the globe would go up in flames at any moment if we do not trade beef for bugs. Unfortunately, however, many influential people take the WEF’s talk seriously.
Protectionism
This outdated policy is widely regarded as a major obstacle to economic growth, and rightfully so. It involves imposing duties to keep importes out of a country, thereby promoting the local industry. For example, South Africa imposes duties on steel and chicken meat imports. The end result is that steel and chicken are very expensive without us having a significant chicken industry, while the local steel sector still remains under constant pressure.
In short, protectionism is based on the fallacy that in trade there are winners and losers. The reality is that in proper trade everyone is a winner.
However, duties are also imposed for other reasons. For example, if a country uses slave labour, duties can be imposed to punish the exporter without, however, stopping the purchase of those products. The only ones actually punished are the consumers of these products because they have to pay more for the product while still having to soothe their conscience about using the products of slavery. Then there are other considerations too, such as the enormous duties imposed on CCTV equipment from China which, according to numerous experts, is used to spy on the entire world. The best-known duties are anti-dumping duties which are introduced to prevent another country from dumping their cheap, often inferior products in a country, destroying the local industry, and then it continues to export products at normal prices and volumes without the burden of a competitive market.
Regardless of the reasons, it is an accepted truth that any trade restrictions, be they quotas, duties or whatever else, are bad for the global economy. It is estimated that the global economy could double if all countries were allowed to export their specialist products without duties or other barriers.
How dangerous is it for South Africa?
Just as almost everyone accepts that trade restrictions and tariffs are bad, everyone also accepts that whatever is best for America is also best for the world. When America is doing well, the world is doing well. When these two general truths are at odds with each other it muddies the waters.
New duties and other trade restrictions make products and services more expensive for Americans, but they also create job opportunities and a more localised economy in America. Along with localisation come others risks that could be to the USA’s disadvantage in the long run. But then there are also numerous advantages. By moving factories back to the USA, major capital investments are made and even if many of the risks do play out it would be most unlikely that these investments would be undone by moving plants abroad again.
The main advantage of such a policy is that the USA will pursue energy independence. They produce their own oil, and with Trump’s proposed policy in place, it would be enough for their own needs and even for exports. This means that the rest of the world’s demand for oil falls, with the result that everyone, not just America, pays less for energy. Thus, everyone wins here and in today’s energy-intensive world, this is not to be laughed off.
Where South Africa, and everyone else are, however, directly affected is when it comes to exports to the USA. Here too, South Africa need not be too concerned. Most of our exports are raw materials and chemicals which are rarely, if ever, subject to duties. And even if that should happen, South Africa enjoys duty-free status under AGOA in respect of these products. The automative industry, which is directly in Trump’s sights, also enjoys this advantage. Our local industries will therefore enjoy a very strong competitive advantage. Unless AGOA comes to an end, or these local industries perish, we have little to be concerned about.
Is it really a risk then?
Any policy that suppresses economic growth or one that concentrates growth in one place only based on man-made circumstances is bad. Obviously, this is also a risk. However, for South Africa the biggest risk would rather be that our government continues to act in a hostile manner towards the West and that we are kicked out of AGOA as a consequence. In those circumstances, a more protectionist policy in America would only have disadvantages for us without any significant advantages coming our way.
Of course, all of this would only apply if Trump should move back into the White House. The alternative is another four years of poor growth and large-scale waste by the American government. And that is not good for anyone.
Theuns du Buisson is an economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute
If you admire the work the Solidarity Movement do and want to contribute or are searching for opportunities for collaboration in some way, but don’t know how, this article is for you. We know that no community, institution or country can function on its own. Your contribution may feel small to you, but it can make a big difference to us and South Africa as a country.
Why is international support important?
The international community’s support for Afrikaners in South Africa is about more than just protecting a single group; it is about promoting minority rights, preserving cultural diversity and contributing to the stability and progress of South Africa as a whole. By supporting the Solidarity Movement, the international community supports a broader vision of a world where diversity is respected and cherished.
Preservation of cultural diversity
Afrikaners have a unique cultural identity that has developed over more than three centuries. Their language, Afrikaans, and their cultural practices, including traditions, music and literature, form an important part of South Africa’s diverse cultural tapestry. The international community, which values the preservation of cultural diversity, can play a role in supporting initiatives aimed at preserving and promoting this culture together with all other cultures.
Human rights and minority protection
Like any minority group in a multicultural society, Afrikaners are at risk of discrimination and marginalisation. In the present-day South Africa, where policies such as affirmative action and land reform are controversial issues, there are instances where Afrikaners feel that their rights are threatened. International support can help ensure that the rights of Afrikaners are protected as a minority group, and that they have equal access to economic opportunities and basic services.
Education and economic development
Education is one of the pillars of any society’s progress. Afrikaners, like all other communities, strive to have access to quality mother tongue education. Institutions such as Sol-Tech and Akademia offer training and education in Afrikaans, contributing to the empowerment of the Afrikaner youth. International support can help these institutions to expand their capacity and to make quality education available to more people, ultimately promoting the economic development of the entire community.
Protection against economic marginalisation
In the current South African context, there is an ongoing debate about affirmative action and land reform, which are intended to correct historical injustices. Although these policies are well-intentioned, they harm South Africa as a whole and create opportunities for corruption. International support can help ensure that merit, and not skin colour, becomes the basis of economic growth.
Peace and stability in South Africa
The stability of any country depends on the harmony and cooperation that exist between its different population groups. By supporting Afrikaners in their efforts to build a sustainable and just future for themselves, the international community can contribute to the greater goal of peace and stability in South Africa. This includes support for dialogue and cooperation between the different cultural and ethnic groups in the country.
Here is how you can support the Solidarity Movement:
Donations
Any contribution helps us to expand our projects and to build a better, prosperous South Africa. To support our cause, you can make a donation towards any institution or project of your choice through the Afrikaner Foundation (Afrikaner.org.za), or through the Solidarity Movement’s website (solidaritymovement.co.za/donations/).
Recognition
Giving recognition to our initiatives may seem to be a small gesture to you, but to us recognition brings credibility and respect in the local and national political circles where we are trying to establish collaboration. Official international recognition will strengthen the stance the Solidarity Movement takes in South Africa.
Spread awareness
Unfortunately, a large part of the world is still ignorant about state failure in South Africa, and easily believes the lies and appearances the government tries to put forward. By spreading awareness of the real situation in South Africa, you are not only helping our institutions, but you are also helping all the people of South Africa that suffer due to the poor governance in the country.
Apply political pressure
By applying political pressure on South Africa’s government, you confirm that their actions are not approved by all international institutions, and it forces them to reconsider the impact of their choices.
Friendship and co-operation
The Solidarity Movement is open to new opportunities to learn from and engage with our international friends. Our friendship bonds help to contribute our knowledge to the world and also to learn from other institutions.
For any enquiries, please do not hesitate to contact us:
The Solidarity Movement’s institutions are engaged in many important projects. However, there are a view projects that are worth highlighting as they not only impact the Solidarity Movement, but have an impact on a national level in the country.
Our project highlights
The new Akademia campus
The real estate development company Kanton (one of the Movement’s institutions) launched a major project for the development of the Akademia campus in Pretoria as part of the Toekomsbouer (meaning “future builder”) campaign.
This R1.3 billion ($72.8 million) campus project is the largest development project in the history of the Afrikaans language and culture communities and represents a major historical turning point to ensure the sustainability of higher education in Afrikaans.
Render showing entrance to new Akademia campusArchitectural rendering of part of the Akademia campusRender showing a section of the new Akademia campus with a chapelRendering showing the complete campus grounds.
Student residence for Sol-Tech
The first student residence for Sol-Tech, a private vocational training college, on the Sol-Tech campus in Pretoria will soon open its doors. This residence will make it possible for students from all over the country to study at this training college as they will have accommodation in Pretoria.
Sol-Tech residence in progressCompleted Sol-Tech residenceAn example of a room in the residenceHallway in the new Sol-Tech residence
Solidarity and AfriForum’s pending court cases
AfriForum and Solidarity do not hesitate to challenge the government in court about the unconstitutional laws it implements to gain more power and control. Some of the imminent court cases include litigation against the National Health Insurance Act (https://solidaritymovement.co.za/solidaritys-fight-against-the-national-health-insurance-nhi-act/), and the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill (BELA) that had recently been signed into law and aims, among other things, to change the face of mother-tongue education in South Africa.
Study funds for students who struggle financially
Solidarity Helping Hand manages a study fund trust known as the Helping Hand Study Trust (HHST) to ensure a future for young people who lack the funds to enrol for a study programme. The Study Trust is one of Solidarity’s proudest achievements. Not only does it empower students to study and to qualify themselves for a career, but it also breaks the poverty cycle and ensures a stable financial future for those who would not have had a future.
Promoting jobs
The current unemployment rate in South Africa is 32.9%. Most of the unemployed are young people who want to work but cannot find a job opportunity. Solidarity created a platform, known as Solidarity, for our community that connects employers and job seekers.
Since its launch in September 2023, more than 5,800 job opportunities have been advertised on the platform.
Approximately 500 vacancies are available on the platform on a monthly basis.
2,100 companies are registered on the platform.
70,000 users create a large network of employers and employees.
Since the launch of the platform, 14,820 people have applied for vacancies advertised on the platform.
Not only is the platform a space to advertise job opportunities, but it also creates an online community where people get the chance to network and ask questions related to their specific fields.
Hundreds of jobs are uploaded daily on Solidarity’s platform for job seekers and employers.
Information and encouragement
The Solidarity Movement believes that the public should be informed about the latest developments in political decision-making and should also understand the direct impact those decisions can have on them and on the country. For this reason, the Solidarity Movement and its institutions regularly hold media conferences, issue research reports and use online platforms to explain the latest political events and engage with its members and the public to give them a transparent and objective view of developments and issues that affect them. Our communications always include a message of hope and practical advice that members of the community can follow to contribute towards addressing a problem or to make a difference in their community.
In 2022 around 700,000 people emigrated from South Africa. Their reasons for leaving the country include the high crime rate, the lack of job opportunities, or the desire to build a better future for their children. It is true that many Afrikaners sometimes feel like foreigners in their own country. Solidarity recently started a campaign called “#JyHoortHier”, translated as “You belong here” to encourage Afrikaners to stay in South Africa, to acknowledge their heritage and roots in the country and to take ownership to create a better future for themselves and future generations.
Afrikaners belong in South Africa
Our success stories
Every small victory is a success story. We are proud of our institutions’ hard work and efforts to make a difference so that our people can live freely, safely and prosperously in this country. A few of our recent success stories follow below:
Solidarity won three cases in the Labour Court on behalf of Solidarity members who had been discriminated against in the workplace due their race.
Akademia announced the opening of a campus in the Western Cape.
AfriForum established the first private fire department in Bloemfontein as the local government failed to deliver these services to the community.
Sol-Tech’s IT qualification received an award as best new programme at the Computing Technology Industry Association (CompTIA’s) 2023 Africa Awards Ceremony.
Solidarity submitted an economic recovery strategy to the National Treasury.
AfriForum’s anti-bullying campaign engaged with thousands of learners.
Akademia rolled out its second honours programme: Media and Communications.
Sol-Tech rolled out a new programme on early childhood development.
Thousands of potholes have been repaired in more than 20 towns around South Africa.
The Solidarity Movement established the Afrikaner Foundation to raise funds for future projects.
Each year we are once again amazed by what can be achieved when a community stand together to make a difference. These projects and success stories are not because of a big organization’s efforts, but because of every individual who contributed in a big or small way.
Die Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) is reeds in 1929 gestig. Vandag is die FAK steeds dié organisasie wat jou toelaat om kreatief te wees in jou taal en kultuur. Die FAK is ’n toekomsgerigte kultuurorganisasie wat ’n tuiste vir die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur bied en die trotse Afrikanergeskiedenis positief bevorder.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand fokus op maatskaplike welstand en dié organisasie se groter visie is om oplossings vir die hantering van Afrikanerarmoede te vind.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand se roeping is om armoede deur middel van gemeenskapsontwikkeling op te los. Solidariteit Helpende Hand glo dat mense ʼn verantwoordelikheid teenoor mekaar en teenoor die gemeenskap het.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand is geskoei op die idees van die Afrikaner-Helpmekaarbeweging van 1949 met ʼn besondere fokus op “help”, “saam” en “ons.”
AfriForumTV is ʼn digitale platform wat aanlyn en gratis is en visuele inhoud aan lede en nielede bied. Intekenaars kan verskeie kanale in die gemak van hul eie huis op hul televisiestel, rekenaar of selfoon verken deur van die AfriForumTV-app gebruik te maak. AfriForumTV is nóg ʼn kommunikasiestrategie om die publiek bewus te maak van AfriForum se nuus en gebeure, maar ook om vermaak deur films en fiksie- en realiteitsreekse te bied. Hierdie inhoud gaan verskaf word deur AfriForumTV self, instellings binne die Solidariteit Beweging en eksterne inhoudverskaffers.
AfriForum Uitgewers (voorheen bekend as Kraal Uitgewers) is die trotse uitgewershuis van die Solidariteit Beweging en is die tuiste van Afrikaanse niefiksie-, Afrikanergeskiedenis- én prima Afrikaanse produkte. Dié uitgewer het onlangs sy fokus verskuif en gaan voortaan slegs interne publikasies van die Solidariteit Beweging publiseer.
AfriForum Jeug is die amptelike jeugafdeling van AfriForum, die burgerregte-inisiatief wat deel van die Solidariteit Beweging vorm. AfriForum Jeug berus op Christelike beginsels en ons doel is om selfstandigheid onder jong Afrikaners te bevorder en die realiteite in Suid-Afrika te beïnvloed deur veldtogte aan te pak en aktief vir jongmense se burgerregte standpunt in te neem.
De Goede Hoop is ʼn moderne, privaat Afrikaanse studentekoshuis met hoë standaarde. Dit is in Pretoria geleë.
De Goede Hoop bied ʼn tuiste vir dinamiese studente met Christelike waardes en ʼn passie vir Afrikaans; ʼn tuiste waar jy as jongmens in gesonde studentetradisies kan deel en jou studentwees met selfvertroue in Afrikaans kan uitleef.
DIE HELPENDE HAND STUDIETRUST (HHST) is ʼn inisiatief van Solidariteit Helpende Hand en is ʼn geregistreerde openbare weldaadsorganisasie wat behoeftige Afrikaanse studente se studie moontlik maak deur middel van rentevrye studielenings.
Die HHST administreer tans meer as 200 onafhanklike studiefondse namens verskeie donateurs en het reeds meer as 6 300 behoeftige studente se studie moontlik gemaak met ʼn totaal van R238 miljoen se studiehulp wat verleen is.
Solidariteit se sentrum vir voortgesette leer is ʼn opleidingsinstelling wat voortgesette professionele ontwikkeling vir professionele persone aanbied. S-leer het ten doel om werkendes met die bereiking van hul loopbaandoelwitte by te staan deur die aanbieding van seminare, kortkursusse, gespreksgeleenthede en e-leer waarin relevante temas aangebied en bespreek word.
Solidariteit Jeug berei jongmense voor vir die arbeidsmark, staan op vir hul belange en skakel hulle in by die Netwerk van Werk. Solidariteit Jeug is ʼn instrument om jongmense te help met loopbaankeuses en is ʼn tuiskomplek vir jongmense.
Solidariteit Regsfonds
ʼn Fonds om die onregmatige toepassing van regstellende aksie teen te staan.
Solidariteit Boufonds
ʼn Fonds wat spesifiek ten doel het om Solidariteit se opleidingsinstellings te bou.
SFD is ʼn gemagtigde finansiëledienstemaatskappy wat deel is van die Solidariteit Beweging. Die instelling se visie is om die toekomstige finansiële welstand, finansiële sekerheid en volhoubaarheid van Afrikaanse individue en ondernemings te bevorder. SFD doen dit deur middel van mededingende finansiële dienste en produkte, in Afrikaans en met uitnemende diens vir ʼn groter doel aan te bied.
Die Gemeenskapstrukture-afdeling bestaan tans uit twee mediese ondersteuningsprojekte en drie gemeenskapsentrums, naamlik Ons Plek in die Strand, Derdepoort en Volksrust. Die drie gemeenskapsentrums is gestig om veilige kleuter- en/of naskoolversorging in die onderskeie gemeenskappe beskikbaar te stel. Tans akkommodeer die gemeenskapsentrums altesaam 158 kinders in die onderskeie naskoolsentrums, terwyl Ons Plek in die Strand 9 kleuters en Ons Plek in Volksrust 16 kleuters in die kleuterskool het.
Die Solidariteit Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS) se visie is om die toekoms van Christelike, Afrikaanse onderwys te (help) verseker deur gehalte onderrig wat reeds bestaan in stand te (help) hou, én waar nodig nuut te (help) bou.
Die SOS se doel is om elke skool in ons land waar onderrig in Afrikaans aangebied word, by te staan om in die toekoms steeds onderrig van wêreldgehalte te bly bied en wat tred hou met die nuutste navorsing en internasionale beste praktyke.
Sol-Tech is ʼn geakkrediteerde, privaat beroepsopleidingskollege wat op Christelike waardes gefundeer is en Afrikaans as onderrigmedium gebruik.
Sol-Tech fokus op beroepsopleiding wat tot die verwerwing van nasionaal erkende, bruikbare kwalifikasies lei. Sol-Tech het dus ten doel om jongmense se toekomsdrome met betrekking tot loopbaanontwikkeling deur doelspesifieke opleiding te verwesenlik.
Akademia is ’n Christelike hoëronderwysinstelling wat op ’n oop, onbevange en kritiese wyse ’n leidinggewende rol binne die hedendaagse universiteitswese speel.
Akademia streef daarna om ʼn akademiese tuiste te bied waar sowel die denke as die hart gevorm word met die oog op ʼn betekenisvolle en vrye toekoms.
AfriForum Uitgewers (previously known as Kraal Uitgewers) is the proud publishing house of the Solidarity Movement and is the home of Afrikaans non-fiction, products related to the Afrikaner’s history, as well as other prime Afrikaans products. The publisher recently shifted its focus and will only publish internal publications of the Solidarity Movement from now on.
Maroela Media is ʼn Afrikaanse internetkuierplek waar jy alles kan lees oor dit wat in jou wêreld saak maak – of jy nou in Suid-Afrika bly of iewers anders woon en deel van die Afrikaanse Maroela-gemeenskap wil wees. Maroela Media se Christelike karakter vorm die kern van sy redaksionele beleid.
Kanton Beleggingsmaatskappy
Kanton is ʼn beleggingsmaatskappy vir eiendom wat deur die Solidariteit Beweging gestig is. Die eiendomme van die Solidariteit Beweging dien as basis van die portefeulje wat verder deur ontwikkeling uitgebrei sal word.
Kanton is ʼn vennootskap tussen kultuur en kapitaal en fokus daarop om volhoubare eiendomsoplossings aan instellings in die Afrikaanse gemeenskap teen ʼn goeie opbrengs te voorsien sodat hulle hul doelwitte kan bereik.
Wolkskool is ʼn produk van die Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS), ʼn niewinsgewende organisasie met ʼn span onderwyskundiges wat ten doel het om gehalte- Afrikaanse onderrig te help verseker. Wolkskool bied ʼn platform waar leerders 24-uur toegang tot video-lesse, vraestelle, werkkaarte met memorandums en aanlyn assessering kan kry.
Die Begrond Instituut is ʼn Christelike navorsingsinstituut wat die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur gemeenskap bystaan om Bybelse antwoorde op belangrike lewensvrae te kry.
Ons Winkels is Solidariteit Helpende Hand se skenkingswinkels. Daar is bykans 120 winkels landwyd waar lede van die publiek skenkings van tweedehandse goedere – meubels, kombuisware, linne en klere – kan maak. Die winkels ontvang die skenkings en verkoop goeie kwaliteit items teen bekostigbare pryse aan die publiek.
AfriForum is ʼn burgerregte-organisasie wat Afrikaners, Afrikaanssprekende mense en ander minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika mobiliseer en hul regte beskerm.
AfriForum is ʼn nieregeringsorganisasie wat as ʼn niewinsgewende onderneming geregistreer is met die doel om minderhede se regte te beskerm. Terwyl die organisasie volgens die internasionaal erkende beginsel van minderheidsbeskerming funksioneer, fokus AfriForum spesifiek op die regte van Afrikaners as ʼn gemeenskap wat aan die suidpunt van die vasteland woon. Lidmaatskap is nie eksklusief nie en enige persoon wat hom of haar met die inhoud van die organisasies se Burgerregte-manifes vereenselwig, kan by AfriForum aansluit.
