Solidarity Movement Archives - Page 2 of 3

International Perspective 2

Posted on September 27, 2024September 27, 2024 by anneke

After 30 years: Uncertainty, fluidity and a political crossroads ahead for SA

Dear friends, acquaintances and interested parties abroad

In this second edition of our international newsletter, we discuss the new government in South Africa and the risks and opportunities that political change brings for South Africans, but also for our friends abroad.

Kind regards

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison

Solidarity Movement, South Africa

Introduction

From New South Africa to Next South Africa: A new phase, filled with opportunity and risk

The past three decades in South Africa have been known as the post-apartheid era, or as the era of the New South Africa. After an earthshattering election in May 2024, in which the African National Congress (ANC) lost its majority in parliament for the first time since 1994, it is clear that the country has entered a new era. The post-apartheid era has always been characterised by the ANC as the representative of the millions of black South Africans who had been excluded from the democratic dispensation before 1994. For these South Africans, the ANC was the vehicle to realise their aspirations, dreams and hopes. However, it became clear, especially during the last decade, that a large section of these South Africans began to lose their patience with the ANC. The combination of poor service delivery, decaying infrastructure, violent and other crimes and the rise in unemployment and poverty proved to be enough for millions of voters who had voted for the ANC in 1994. Along with this, there is a whole new generation of young South Africans today who have little to no hope in politics, and especially in the ANC.

MK and apathy reason for ANC loss of majority

The result of all of this is that the ANC’s dwindling support levels turned into a dramatic loss of support. The party’s support dropped to 40%, and with it, the party lost the parliamentary majority it had over the past three decades. The ANC’s poor performance at the polls can be attributed to two things mainly. The breakaway of the Jacob Zuma faction from the ANC and the resultant rise of the MK party, especially in KwaZulu-Natal, was responsible for more than half of the ANC’s loss of support. Compared to previous elections, the balance of the loss in votes can be ascribed to the stay-away vote. In 2024, the voting percentage among black South Africans dropped to the lowest level since 1994. Black South Africans who have had enough of the ANC’s mismanagement voted for opposition parties in very small numbers – most of them either voted for the MK or simply did not vote at all. Less than 40% of all eligible potential voters in South Africa voted. Of the 27,7 million registered voters only 16,2 million cast their vote. After the participation peak of 89,3% in 1999, the voting percentage dropped to 58,6% in 2024. There are, however, another 13 million adult South Africans who did not even bother to register to vote. Thus, out of a total of more than 40 million eligible voters, only 16 million participated in the election.

The reason for the elevated levels of apathy among black South Africans, in particular, is precisely the feeling that politics, and specifically democracy, no longer offers solutions to their challenges. According to a 2024 study conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, 57% of South Africans are dissatisfied with democracy in South Africa.

A new political era for South Africa

After this year’s general election, it was clear that the ANC would have to form coalitions with other parties at national level, but also in some of the provinces, to establish a stable government. The choice was clear – either cooperation with radical leftist parties such as the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or cooperation with more centrist parties such as the Democratic Alliance (the classical liberal party and second largest party in the country), the Inkatha Freedom Party (a conservative and traditional Zulu party), the Freedom Front Plus Party (a party representing conservative Afrikaner interests), the Patriotic Alliance (a populistic coloured party) and some other smaller parties.

The ANC’s decision to choose the latter option was considered to be a wise choice by a majority of South Africans as well as by the international community. Since the announcement of a Government of National Unity (GNU) which, in practice, is for all intents and purposes a multi-party coalition, there is renewed hope that South Africa can begin to address its problems.

The new Government of National Unity offers opportunities for participation by former opposition parties, especially the Democratic Alliance, the Inkatha Freedom Party and the Freedom Front Plus. During the first few months of this new government, however, it was clear that the ANC will still do everything in its power to impose its own policy preferences on the new government, with few concessions being made to other parties.

An important question over the next months, especially in the run-up to South Africa’s next municipal election in 2026, will be whether the parties that currently form part of the GNU will succeed in keeping the government going, in the midst of an extremely assertive ANC which will often try to continue governing as a majority party. The absence of mechanisms to limit the ANC’s influence within the government is something that already presents a challenge for some parties.

Still huge challenges ahead for South Africa

However, it is important to realise that 2024 is not 1994. South Africa is experiencing major challenges with its infrastructure that has collapsed into total disrepair over the past three decades. Crime rates have reached the highest levels ever. Corruption has become part of the culture at all levels of government and will be very difficult to eradicate. The national debt is the highest ever.

However, it is clear that foreign investment is already returning to South Africa after a major capital outflow during the past few years. The fact that load shedding (the systematic application of scheduled electricity outages over the past 12 years) has largely come to an end, together with the establishment of a moderate multi-party government, contributes to new global optimism about South Africa.

For the optimism to remain sustainable the government will have to do more to fight corruption, reduce crime, improve infrastructure and ensure a general climate of investor confidence.

In a manner of speaking, the New South Africa is being replaced by the Next South Africa. The country is now entering a new era. The new coalition government is still facing major political challenges to stay in place, establishing sustainable governments in provinces and at municipal level, and ultimately, preventing radical populist groupings from reversing the reconstruction process.

The Next South Africa is a phase offering great opportunity to improve confidence through more transparent and stable governance, leading to much-needed economic growth and job creation. Then the preservation of skills that are still flowing out of the country also becomes possible. The risks of a return to the disastrous 2010s of corruption, stagflation, increasing crime and the total decay of social cohesion are still a reality. Over the next year or two, and especially in the run-up to the municipal elections in 2026, we will have to see if South Africa can capitalise on the new window period of optimism that has opened up after the 2024 elections.

Five challenges facing the Next South Africa

As mentioned above, South Africa has huge challenges to face over the next months and years. In this International Perspective, however, I am going to focus particularly on five of these challenges because it is also of international importance that South Africa and specifically the new government here make the right decisions and take the right steps to finally put South Africa on a path of internal recovery, but also to strengthen the country’s international position.

Economic growth

South Africa’s economy grew by just 0,6% in 2023, after already sluggish growth of only 1,9% in 2022. Levels of economic growth that could lead to a drop in unemployment in South Africa were last seen during the 2000s. Economic growth of barely 1% is expected for this year.

There are several reasons for the stagnation of the South African economy over the past 15 years. While economic growth for the first 15 years after 1994 often was between 5% and 6%, since 2009 it has mainly been between 1% and 2% per year. With inflation mostly between 4% and 10% over the past 15 years, coupled with a sharply increasing population, these 15 years of low economic growth have been catastrophic for South Africa’s unemployment rate, poverty levels and government finances.

The period of low economic growth coincides with a period of serious corruption and the decay of infrastructure. Massive corruption that drastically increased input costs in state-owned companies, coupled with so-called load shedding (daily scheduled electricity cuts) caused by severe electricity shortages, were probably the main reasons for the low economic growth in the last 15 years.

However, what is increasingly contributing to low economic growth and a loss of foreign investment is the policy environment in South Africa. Continued populist policy proposals such as the expropriation of property without compensation, which seriously threatens property rights, stricter black economic empowerment laws (the strictest such intervention worldwide currently) which create room for corruption, lead to skill losses, discourage foreign investment and bring extra costs for the government in its procurement policy, all contribute to a policy environment that inhibits economic growth.

In May last year, there was a huge outflow of foreign investment in South Africa after a diplomatic dispute arose between South Africa and the United States of America. The South African government has not yet considered the effect of its foreign policy, and specifically its ties with Russia, Iran and even China, and the impact it has on foreign investment. South Africa’s decision to try to take the lead in a case against Israel at the World Court, while our country actually is not only geographically but also economically completely removed from the Middle East, has also not contributed to positive sentiment towards South Africa in places such as New York and London.

Ultimately, South Africa could easily fall back into a position of anarchy, or populist forces in the ANC could gain the upper hand, should economic growth not be achieved by the current government. The fact that load shedding has come to an end and that there have been no electricity outages for almost six months now is a very positive trend.

Foreign investment is badly needed and bringing it back sustainably will require a broad-based approach, which includes drastic improvements to infrastructure, a substantial reduction in corruption and other crimes, especially violent crimes, and broad investment confidence based on a stable policy environment that ensures property rights and impose fewer regulations on the private sector. Six out of ten (62%) South Africans trust the business sector to do the right thing, according to the Edelman Trust Barometer 2024. It is essential that the government should create space for the private sector to contribute to the economic recovery of the country and even play a leading role in it.

Violent crime and corruption

Last year, an average of 85 people were murdered per day in South Africa. Since 1994, more than half a million murders have been committed in the country. Serious violent crimes in South Africa reached the highest levels ever by the end of 2023.

Along with this, South Africa has been increasingly affected by extensive levels of corruption in recent years. Corruption is particularly a problem at all levels of government – local, provincial and national – but is also increasing at other levels of society, including the private sector.

Investigating crimes in South Africa and successfully prosecuting criminals with too few police members and especially detectives, weak courts including often inexperienced and even incompetent public prosecutors and magistrates, is still one of the country’s biggest challenges.

South Africa was greylisted by the global financial crime watchdog Financial Action Task Force (FATF) in February 2023 for not complying with international standards around the prevention of money laundering, terrorist financing and proliferation financing. This creates a further challenge for the South African economy because the perception exists that South Africa’s legal system has weakened to such an extent that even international crime groups and syndicates can easily operate from South Africa, continuing their activities such as money laundering and the financing of terrorist activities, especially in Africa. It currently looks like South Africa will only be removed from the FATF’s grey list in late 2025 at the earliest.

The crime problem in South Africa therefore is multifaceted. Common crimes and violent crimes are rooted in broken communities, poverty, unemployment and a culture of criminality. However, the problem is much greater, with extensive corruption and even international criminal activities that threaten to engulf South Africa.

The new minister of police is without a doubt more capable than his predecessor, who inspired little confidence over the past few years. However, it will take drastic steps, comprehensive leadership and major plans to curb the crime problem in South Africa. We are currently seeing too little of that.

Infrastructure

Since 2016, public sector capital expenditure has steadily declined by R82 billion. This represents a decrease of 29%, according to Statistics SA. In particular, it is the many large state-owned companies, provincial governments and local governments that have reduced infrastructure owing to a growing debt burden, unsustainable and rapidly growing staff costs and rising corruption.

South Africa’s electricity problems, which caused serious damage to the economy, were followed by a systematic collapse of some rail services, huge problems at ports, a general deterioration in roads and nowadays also serious problems with water supply.

It is essential that South Africa’s credit rating should improve. S&P Global Ratings

has put the country’s foreign currency rating at “BB-/B” and local currency rating at “BB/B” with a stable outlook. This can hopefully start to improve by next year if the improvement in electricity supply can be followed by solutions to problems in rail transport, ports and roads. Along with this, it is essential that the state’s finances must improve, in light of the current increase in debt which is unsustainable and which means that less money can be spent on infrastructure.

The Government of National Unity has no doubt raised hopes that some infrastructure problems will be better resolved. While better ministers have been appointed in various portfolios, it is, however, necessary that more powers of supervision and control over infrastructure must be devolved to provinces. The scale of corruption in infrastructure spending is still a huge problem.

One of South Africa’s weakest points is the state of municipalities. During the 2022/2023 financial year, the auditor-general identified a total of 268 substantial irregularities in the country’s 257 municipalities which led to a loss of more than R5 billion. Only 29% of municipalities received clean audits during this period, which means that only 34 of the 257 municipalities received a clean audit, compared to the already low number of 38 in the previous financial year.

Most of South Africa’s municipalities are almost dysfunctional with little service delivery such as refuse removal, water supply and road repairs. Many municipalities spend more than 80% of their budgets on salaries and have little, if any, money left to improve infrastructure. A huge task lies ahead for the capable leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party, Velenkosini Hlabisa, who in the GNU was tasked, among other things, with helping municipalities get their act together.

Service delivery

A majority of South Africans have lost their trust in the government. The new GNU offers a glimmer of hope for many, but people are wary of getting too optimistic. High expectations of better service delivery, including housing, medical care, social care, education, post-school training, public transport and access to clean water, sewerage, electricity and other municipal services, were the order of the day during the 1990s and early 2000s. Since then, however, it has faded.

Over the past two decades, large protests, sometimes even violent, have increased in South Africa. This is mostly related to problems with service delivery. Service delivery is also one of the most important political issues for a majority of South Africans.

The reason why I highlight this as one of the most important current challenges is the effect it can have on political stability in South Africa in the run-up to the next municipal election. Voters, with good reason, link municipal elections directly to service delivery, and for this reason the extent to which service delivery improves or deteriorates over the next almost two years can have a significant effect on the political balance of power in South Africa.

Populist parties such as the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MK) are going to use problems with service delivery to their advantage over the next months to turn voters against the GNU, but also to radicalise voters, to increase protests and even violence and to fuel political tension.

While the GNU has a primary task of stabilising the national government in South Africa, particularly in terms of the state’s finances, combating crime and corruption and creating a climate conducive to economic growth, it is also essential that substantial evidence of an improvement in service delivery will have to be shown.

In one field, education, it has been clear lately that populists are prepared to try to transform the small amount of successful schools that could harm education in South Africa even further.

Foreign relations

South Africa’s foreign relations have suffered greatly in recent years. Under the leadership of the previous minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Naledi Pandor, South Africa’s relationship with the United States, but also with other Western countries, suffered a lot. This was mainly due to South Africa’s close cooperation with Russia, Iran and China and South Africa’s numerous pronouncements against Israel.

Although there are huge opportunities for South Africa in the broadening of its foreign relations, also within the BRICS grouping, South Africa’s ties with the West are still essential for economic success.

This year, like last year, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa was not invited to the G7 summit (held in Japan and Italy, respectively) after the South African head of state had been invited every year for twenty years before that. It is clear that there is great concern among all the G7 countries about South Africa’s reliability as a non-aligned country.

Although Western countries are comfortable with South Africa as a non-aligned country, for the last few years it increasingly seems that South Africa’s words and actions on this do not match. A huge task lies ahead to restore this trust.

The best opportunity for South Africa is the G20 summit that will take place in South Africa in 2025. In the run-up to this summit, South Africa can reaffirm its position as the gateway to Africa for countries in the West and the Global South. However, this will require a much greater degree of restraint in the country’s foreign relations – something that has yet to happen.

If South Africa wants to solve its problems of stagnation, smarter foreign relations, which strengthen trust and therefore lead to greater investments and stronger trade relations, are essential. The GNU should regard this as a primary objective.

Summary

The Government of National Unity has transformed strong feelings of apathy, public displeasure and even anger among South Africans into feelings of hope and optimism. However, these feelings will not last long if concrete successes, especially economic, in the fight against crime and in the improvement of service delivery and infrastructure, are not achieved.

The GNU is also viewed with cautious optimism internationally. Worldwide, South Africa is still regarded as a country of huge potential. Owing to the growth in population, but also economic growth in Africa, many multinational companies still consider South Africa as the ideal country to serve as a starting point for business in Africa.

Fifteen things must be accomplished by the end of 2025, i.e. 15 months from now, to show that the phase of decay in South Africa has been successfully reversed:

Plans for land expropriation without compensation must not proceed and property rights must be confirmed.
The state’s finances must be better controlled, with the debt burden in particular to be reduced so that the country’s credit rating can improve.
Foreign investors must be lured back by offering a stable policy environment that is more favourable to foreign investment.
Economic growth must rise substantially – higher than what is currently expected.
South Africa must be removed from the international grey list.
Accomplices to state capture must be prosecuted and corruption in the public service must be actively curbed with a national strategy to track down and successfully prosecute corrupt public service officials.
The criminal justice system needs to be improved in its entirety, with the police, courts and prisons all having to play a greater role in contributing to the eradication of crime.
The incidence of crime, especially violent crimes, must begin to decrease with a clear plan from the government and police to reduce crime sustainably.
The problems with South Africa’s rail service and ports must be addressed with a clear improvement in the handling of freight transport.
South Africa must go to great lengths to reassert its position as a truly non-aligned country, which will require greater caution in dealing with Russia, Iran and similar countries.
A favourable G20 summit must be presented where South Africa presents itself within the context of “New to Next South Africa”.
The loss of skills must be curtailed by making it attractive for skilled and competent South Africans to stay in South Africa.
Minority rights must be better protected and the extremely high levels of discrimination against minorities, such as the current attack on schools where Afrikaans is the language of instruction, must be stopped.
Civil society must organise itself even better and act as an important guardian over the priorities of the GNU to be a source of moderate criticism and deliver constructive criticism and concrete proposals, in contrast to the criticism of left-populist (and often hateful) groups.
The proposed national dialogue, which was put forward even before the election and since then has been especially encouraged by former President Thabo Mbeki and organisations such as the Solidarity Movement, must take place with a focus on allowing a broader segment of South African society effective participation in the future of South Africa.

The next 15 months are likely to be a critical period for South Africa. Prior to the election in May, the country was on the brink of becoming a failed state. While there are signs of hope and optimism, this certainly does not mean that the country now is in a safer position away from the precipice. The international community must play a role in influencing South Africa’s policy environment, remain economically involved and especially help strengthen democracy, help promote minority rights and create a platform where the future of South Africa can be discussed and considered from different quarters, and not only from the position of the ANC, which now is no longer a majority government.

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison, Solidarity Movement

South Africa entering a new phase, filled with opportunity and risk

Posted on September 5, 2024 by anneke

However, it became clear, especially during the last decade, that a large section of these South Africans began to lose their patience with the ANC. The combination of poor service delivery, decaying infrastructure, violent and other crimes and the rise in unemployment and poverty proved to be enough for millions of voters who had voted for the ANC in 1994. Along with this, there is a whole new generation of young South Africans today who have little to no hope in politics, and especially in the ANC.

In 2024, the voting percentage among black South Africans dropped to the lowest level since 1994. Black South Africans who have had enough of the ANC’s mismanagement voted for opposition parties in very small numbers – most of them either voted for the MK or simply did not vote. Less than 40% of all eligible potential voters in South Africa voted. Of the 27.7 million registered voters only 16.2 million cast their vote. After the participation peak of 89.3% in 1999, the voting percentage has dropped to 58.6% in 2024. There are, however, another 13 million adult South Africans who did not even bother to register to vote. Thus, out of a total of more than 40 million eligible voters, only 16 million participated in the election.

The reason for the elevated levels of apathy among black South Africans, in particular, is precisely the feeling that politics, and specifically democracy, no longer offer solutions for their challenges. According to a 2024 study, conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, 57% of South Africans are dissatisfied with democracy in South Africa.

After this year’s general election, it was clear that the ANC would have to form coalitions with other parties at national level, but also in some of the provinces to establish a stable government. The choice was clear – either cooperation with radical leftist parties such as the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or cooperation with more centrist parties such as the Democratic Alliance (the classical liberal party and second largest party in the country), the Inkatha Freedom Party (a conservative and traditional Zulu party) and the Freedom Plus Party (a party representing conservative Afrikaner interests), The Patriotic Alliance (a populistic colored party) and some other smaller parties.

The ANC’s decision to choose the latter option was considered to be a wise choice by a majority of South Africans as well as by the international community. Since the announcement of a Government of National Unity which, in practice, is for all intents and purposes a multi-party coalition, there is renewed hope that South Africa can begin to address its problems.

However, it is important to realize that 2024 is not 1994. South Africa is experiencing major challenges with its infrastructure that has collapsed into total disrepair over the past three decades. Crime rates have reached the highest levels ever. Corruption has become part of the culture at all levels of government, and it will be very difficult to eradicate it. The national debt is the highest ever.

However, it is clear foreign investment is already returning to South Africa after a major capital outflow during the past few years. The fact that load-shedding (the systematic application of scheduled electricity outages over the past 12 years) has largely come to an end, together with the establishment of a moderate multi-party government contributes to new global optimism about South Africa.

For the optimism to remain sustainable the government will have to do more to fight corruption, reduce crime, improve infrastructure and ensure a general climate of investor confidence.

The Next South Africa is a phase offering great opportunity to improve confidence through clearer, stable governance, leading to much-needed economic growth and job creation. Then the preservation of skills that are still flowing out of the country also becomes possible. The risks of a return to the disastrous 2010s of corruption, stagflation, increasing crime and the total decay of social cohesion are still a reality. Over the next year or two, and especially in the run-up to the municipal elections in 2026, we will have to see if South Africa can capitalize on the new window period of optimism that has opened up after the 2024 elections.

The Solidarity Movement, Afrikaners and the challenges we face

Posted on September 4, 2024September 4, 2024 by anneke

Flip Buys | Chairperson: Solidarity Movement

Afrikaners are the only indigenous Western community in Africa, and they have named themselves (Afrikaners), their language (Afrikaans) and many of their institutions after the name of the continent.

As a community of 2,7 million people, Afrikaners have often been called the “white tribe of Africa”. Afrikaners want to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of South Africa and of all its people. For this reason, the Solidarity Movement is trying to create the conditions for Afrikaners to remain in South Africa, being sustainably free, safe and prosperous. The majority of Afrikaners are involved in the Solidarity Movement, a network of community organizations with more than 600 000 members. The Movement’s strategy is to provide services there where the state cannot, does not want to or should not provide services.

Most Afrikaners are Christians, subscribing to conservative values such as:

A belief in the Rule of Law;
A free market economy;
Democracy and individual rights;
Federalism;
Good relations with black compatriots and African states;
Maintaining strong ties with the West; and
Preserving the Afrikaner’s language (Afrikaans) and culture.

The main challenges we are currently facing are:

SA has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world, namely 33%; (The reason for it lies in the ANC’s leftist policies in particular. The ANC is still formally in alliance with the South African Communist Party and with socialist trade unions.)
The ANC-led government of national unity’s ties with states such as China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela and Cuba, as well as organizations such as Hamas, and the ANC’s increasingly dismissive attitude towards the West.
State decay as illustrated by this map

Municipal water and sanitation compliance

The ANC did not abolish the racial dispensation after 1994 but simply reversed it and put it under new management. Few people know that research by the Free Market Foundation (FMF) and the South Africa Institute of Race Relations found that 116 new racial laws have been passed since the ANC came into power 30 years ago

Violent crime;
Official policies such as expropriation without compensation which undermine economic confidence;

The Solidarity Movement is currently building the cultural infrastructure so that Afrikaners can stay on in South African and can make a sustainable contribution towards the well-being of the country and all its people.

State decay and racial legislation have forced Afrikaners to become more state-resistant and self-reliant. That is why the Movement has more than 20 self-help organizations providing services such as education, training, a proper “state of work” (job security), safety, municipal infrastructure, heritage conservation and the promotion of the Rule of Law. We also assist black communities with agricultural projects also for the sake of better food security.

Our current flagship project is a comprehensive project to build a university campus for our fast-growing Christian university, Akademia. We are also planning an independent Afrikaans schools’ network in response to the government’s policy to centralize control over schools even more.

This is but one example of the ANC government’s breach of the country’s Constitution and the historic 1994 Agreement.

The purpose of the Solidarity Movement’s international liaison is to create awareness about the state of affairs in South Africa and to garner support for our views and self-help projects.

Academics from Hillsdale College visit South Africa

Posted on August 23, 2024August 23, 2024 by anneke

Three highly educated and respected academic personnel from Hillsdale College in Michigan, USA, took a trip to South Africa where they encountered insightful and meaningful experiences they can take home.

David Whalen, Mark Kalthoff and Mark Maier engaged with the students and personnel of Akademia through insightful lectures about various topics on the liberal arts.

Hillsdale College is an independent institution of higher learning founded in 1844 by men and women “grateful to God for the inestimable blessings” resulting from civil and religious liberty and “believing that the diffusion of learning is essential to the perpetuity of these blessings”.

In simpler terms, Hilldale defines itself as “a small, Christian, classical liberal arts college in Southern Michigan that operates independently of government funding”.

Their teachings specialize in liberal arts, focusing on classical fundamentals, timeless truths and inspirational teaching. The college also considers itself a trustee of our Western philosophical and theological inheritance tracing to Athens and Jerusalem, a heritage finding its clearest expression in the American experiment of self-government under law.

“Liberal learning produces cultivated citizens with minds disciplined and furnished through wide and deep study of old books by wise authors,” wrote Mark Kalthoff, PhD.

Professors from Hillsdale College gave lectures at Akademia

By training people in the liberal arts, Hillsdale College prepares them to become well-educated and virtuous citizens willing to defend the blessing of civil and religious freedom Americans have inherited from their Founders.

During their visit, the professors got the opportunity to learn more about the Solidarity Movement and its institutions. Sol-Tech, AfriForum, Kanton, Solidarity, and the Voortrekker Monument were all part of the tour.

“I haven’t stopped learning since I got here,” Dr Whalen laughed. “This is my first time visiting South Africa, and I didn’t know what to expect. Seeing the institutions, learning more about the Afrikaner culture and connecting with nature has been a wonderful experience thus far.”

Dr. David M. Whalen teaches English at Hillsdale College

Leaders of the Solidarity Movement visited Hillsdale in the past and explained how they took inspiration from the Hillsdale campus and community to implement it at Akademia and Sol-Tech.

Inspiration such as the sense of community and the Christian values and ethics, among other things, were taken from Hillsdale and implemented successfully at Akademia and Sol-Tech. Another similarity is that Hillsdale is independent of government funding and values, and follows a more conservative, old-school ideology.

Whalen was also amazed by the enthusiasm of the Akademia students and personnel. “These persons have so much interest in the liberal arts and asks deep and intelligent questions. Their enthusiasm and interest reminded me to never take my work for granted.”

Although lectures and intellectual conversations are intriguing, the highlight of their visit – all three professors agree on this – was during their stay at Dinokeng Nature Reserve when a pride of lions roamed just outside their tent.

The Solidarity Movement is always proud to welcome international guests. We wish these professors from Hillsdale College a safe flight back home and we hope they are inspired to continue the great work in their field. We sincerely hope they value what they have learned from us as much as we value what we have learned from them.

No culture can be considered without what it had built

Posted on August 14, 2024 by anneke

Article for Rapport newspaper by Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement

Let’s build living spaces for Afrikaans, because buildings provide security, writes Flip Buys

The greatness of a culture is usually measured by the greatness of what it has built.

It is for this reason that, to this day, humanity still stands in awe of the pyramids the ancient Egyptians had built some 4 600 years ago. The pyramids are still regarded as miracles, and archaeologists have been speculating for years about how the Egyptians had managed to accomplish it. There is consensus, though, that the construction of the pyramids was only possible as a result of sophisticated engineering, architecture, mathematics, science, astronomy and logistics.

Moreover, construction work of that magnitude required advanced forms of political organisation, economic development, management, organisation, scholarship and training.

Today’s archaeologists say that the ancient Egyptians had built the pyramids. However, in reality it was the pyramids that time had indeed at the same developed the Egyptians as a highly developed civilisation. What is meant by this is that the centuries-long construction work of the pyramids and other infrastructure a developed society needed, had also shaped the Egyptians’ culture.

As Winston Churchill said: “Initially, we shape our buildings; thereafter they shape us”.

After all, construction work of the magnitude of the pyramids requires an advanced culture, capable of undertaking major collaborative projects, mustering the resources for it, planning and organising them efficiently, putting together the workforce for the projects, and it requires the leadership and expertise to carry out the work successfully.

Of course, the same also applies to all the advanced ancient civilisations that rose in China, Persia, Greece and India. The Romans’ roads, bridges, aqueducts, theatres and cities made Roman life possible and conveyed and spread their culture widely. This laid the foundation of modern Western Europe. No culture can be conceived without what it has built because a cultural community lives in, by and through its institutions and the buildings that accommodate it.

It also underpins our history. For example, Pres. Paul Kruger was not only a state builder but also a city builder. He played a major role in the development of Pretoria from a dusty little town to a capital city. In this regard, think about the Ou Raadsaal (Old Council Hall), the Palace of Justice, museums, hospitals, schools and the forts built around Pretoria. In reality, buildings constitute a nation’s cultural infrastructure. They “build” culture insofar as the “Raadsaal” was the centre of the constitutional Republic, whereas the Palace of Justice was the centre of the judicial authority, while schools were the places where knowledge and culture have been imparted to the next generation.

In later years, Afrikaners constructed buildings all over the country which in turn developed their (the Afrikaners’) culture. In this regard think of the buildings constructed for educational, economic, cultural, medical, military and other purposes.

As a young student the university anthem of the then Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education (informally known as die Pukke) sounded rather old-fashioned and sad to me: “Gebore uit die nag van smaad, sien ons jou staan as wonderdaad …” (Loosely translated: Emerging from a night of humiliation, we see you stand as a miracle deed …) Like most of the other students I took the modern campus where we studied during the late eighties for granted. Little did I know that if you yourself got something for free, it did not mean that it came about without costs, as other people had paid dearly for it. Later on, I realised just what a miracle the university really was, and what great sacrifice it cost for it to rise from the ground before and after the Anglo-Boer War.

In 1897 Pres. Paul Kruger himself left £100 – a huge sum of money at the time– for student bursaries. The first rector, Prof. Jan Lion-Cachet, was arrested by the British and his son was shot and killed in the war. However, the Potchefstroom University’s story is not the exception. The history of universities such as the University of Stellenbosch, Unisa, the University of Pretoria (popularly known as Tuks), the University of the Orange Free State (Kovsies) and the Rand Afrikaans University (RAU) tell similar stories of thinking big and beginning small. Most of them were established by churches and communities without the availability of major government funding.

The Kenyan scholar Ali Mazrui aptly said the community must first raise the university before the university can help raise the community. The connection between community and university has also been affirmed by Gen. Jan Smuts when he expressed the wish in 1910 that the University of Pretoria would become for the then Transvaal what Oxford was for England.

Afrikaans, an Afrikaans life and the transfer of a language and a culture are impossible without educational institutions that can accommodate that language and culture. The question is why schools, colleges and universities are of such importance for language and cultural communities.

Albert Einstein provided the best reply in this regard. He said that the magnificent things a generation learns at school and university are the collective effort of many generations. All this is put in their hands as their inheritance in order that they may receive it, add to it, and one day pass it on to their children.

The purpose of cultural infrastructure is not to isolate a group or to exclude others, but rather the opposite. It already creates the space to live together with other people, almost like a house that is built so that a family can live together with their neighbours in a residential area. A house consists of various rooms, each with its own purpose. The same applies to a cultural household – there are spaces for education, training, language, social care and the preservation of heritage. This is the reason why the Solidarity Movement has been systematically building an entire cultural ecosystem over the past decade or so.

If the conditions are created for Afrikaners and the Afrikaans community to live here sustainably, we will be able to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people.

Buildings are important because “place” provides safety and “spaces” provide freedom.

The challenge is to build this cultural infrastructure without the help of the state. This is the reason why the Solidarity Movement established a property company called Kanton a few years ago. The most famous project Kanton has successfully undertaken is the construction of the Sol-Tech campus and residences in Centurion. Kanton’s aim is to establish a partnership between culture and capital by obtaining investments from the private sector to build spaces for Afrikaans.

Investors earn monetary return while also getting a cultural dividend in the form of a university. At the same time planning is already underway for the establishment of an independent schools’ network. We believe that an Afrikaans university is vital for the survival of Afrikaans.

Second, mother tongue instruction remains the best medium for education and training, while also equipping students to be fully competent in English workplaces. This is best proven by the fact that top Afrikaans people who had studied at single-medium Afrikaans universities nowadays hold prestigious positions abroad.

After years of well-conceived work and planning, Akademia and Kanton are launching the Builders of the Future Campaign with the aim of offering people and institutions with the capital means an opportunity to invest in Akademia’s planned new campus in Pretoria East. The wider public will also get an opportunity to make investments at a later stage.

The British scholar Roger Scruton said that a society can only survive if each generation lives for the next generation. Kanton is building for the next generation and wants to give the current generation the opportunity to build together with us.

The idea is not to build monuments for our ancestors but to build living institutions for the new generation. Now is the time for creative innovation, based on proven values.

Relevant article: Akademia and Kanton announced monumental campus development

AfriForum’s Lichtenburg branch repairs hundreds of potholes

Posted on August 5, 2024August 8, 2024 by anneke

Adapted from Maroela Media

The AfriForum branch in Lichtenburg completed several successful pothole repair projects during July 2024 thanks to the assistance and donations received from the community. A total of 21,3 tons of tar was used to repair potholes in Lichtenburg. This is proof of the community’s unwavering commitment to road safety.

In 2nd Avenue, 110 potholes were repaired with 138 bags of tar and one drum of SS 60 bitumen. The residents of 2nd Avenue donated this material. In Mathew Street, 42 potholes were repaired with three bags of cement, 40 bags of tar and 50 litres of SS 60 bitumen, all donated by Westvaal Isuzu, Lichtenburg.

Potholes are an increasing challenge in South Africa, especially in rural areas where the corrupt municipalities do not look after the safety and needs of the residents. The last two years have produced shocking statistics on road accidents and deaths due to potholes in the Free State.

At the corner of 8th Avenue and 3rd Street, the entire intersection, which had been in tatters for the past three years, has been repaired. Here 12 bags of cement were used to fill up deep holes. Afterwards, the entire crossing (301 m) was tarred with 10 tons of hot tar and one drum of SS 60 bitumen. This could be done thanks to a huge donation by NWK Lichtenburg. Members of the community offered their help, for example to transport the tar.

In Church Street, a trench dug for a power cable was repaired with 15 bags of tar, donated by Neokor Sekuriteit. In Transvaal Street, 65 potholes were repaired, using 100 bags of tar and half a drum of SS 60 bitumen. Two tons of hot tar were used to tar the Dada Centre’s entrance and exit in Church Street. The Dada Centre made this donation.

Hans Nel Bande again donated the material for the 56 potholes in Transvaal Street to be repaired. These holes were filled with six bags of cement, after which two tons of hot tar and half a drum of SS 60 bitumen were used.

“July was AfriForum’s national pothole month, during which the civil rights organisation repaired as many potholes as possible nationwide,” says Armand Viljoen, AfriForum’s district coordinator. “The aim of this project is to make an immediate impact on a town’s road infrastructure. Better roads result in fewer road accidents and ensure that emergency services can get to their destinations faster.”

Local businesses and community members are encouraged to get involved in the Lichtenburg branch’s pothole project by making tar donations and at the same time nominating specific streets for repairs.

This project is proof once again that a community does not have to be at the mercy of the government’s poor service delivery. By working together, an environment can be created where the community can flourish. Doing and building it yourself is possible.

AfriForum encourages residents across the country to join a branch nearest to their town and become part of the projects. Pothole by pothole we are making South Africa a better place to live.

Afrikaner Foundation, AfriForum raise support in USA

Posted on July 30, 2024July 30, 2024 by anneke

Source: Maroela Media

The international community is increasingly becoming aware of the challenges confronting minorities such as the Afrikaners in South Africa, as well as the kind of solutions the institutions of the Solidarity Movement come up with to address these challenges. This is the overall observation of the representatives of the Afrikaner Foundation and AfriForum who have recently returned from a support-raising tour to the USA.

During this visit, Ernst Roux, executive director of the Afrikaner Foundation, and Ernst van Zyl, head of public relations at AfriForum, participated in various conferences, functions and networking discussions. Two highlights of the visit were the NatCon conference in Washington, D.C. (also known as NatCon 4), at which Roets was a speaker, and the launch of the Afrikaner Foundation in New York at an event hosted by the New York Young Republicans. On both occasions Roets referred to the South African government’s reckless policy framework and the solutions that Afrikaners come up with under these circumstances to create a free, safe and prosperous future at the southern tip of Africa. In this regard, the emphasis fell on the establishment of a network of community institutions.

Ernst Roets at an event of the New York Young Republicans

Roets stated that it is necessary to bring the kinds of problems that minorities such as the Afrikaners in South Africa are confronted with to the attention of the international community, especially because there has been a perception for some time that the South African political dispensation has become a kind of gold standard that should be followed by the rest of the world, while the opposite is true in many respects. “However, it is far more important to talk about solutions than to talk about problems. We have experienced that it is especially through our approach to solutions and our optimism about the future that Afrikaners are being rediscovered by the international community, but in the Western world in particular,” he added.

Van Zyl said the sincere interest in and admiration for Afrikaners’ state-resistant solutions have increased dramatically abroad, especially among Americans and Europeans. “The saying ‘’n boer maak ‘n plan’ (which literally means a farmer makes a plan) has expanded from being a local saying about Afrikaners’ ability to come up with a plan for everything, to an international saying. It is encouraging to know that our successes and what we are building not only inspire and give our people in South Africa hope, but also do so for people abroad,” Van Zyl concluded.

The Afrikaner Foundation is a new institution in the broader Solidarity Movement and is focused on mobilising international support.

Solidarity’s fight against the National Health Insurance (NHI) Act

Posted on July 30, 2024July 30, 2024 by anneke

What is the National Health Insurance Act?

National Health Insurance (NHI), under state control, is proposed as the single purchaser of all healthcare in South Africa. One of the most notable problems with this proposition is that as soon as a specific service is covered by the NHI, it would become illegal to receive it through any means other than the NHI. The state would therefore not just be the single purchaser, but would effectively control which health services would be available in South Africa, as well as how and by whom those services may be provided.

In June last year the National Assembly agreed to the National Health Insurance (NHI) Bill making provision for the introduction of the NHI, and in December the Bill was also approved by the National Council of Provinces. Weeks before the national election in May 2024, President Cyril Ramaphosa signed the Bill into law. This Act sets out to offer “free” healthcare to all citizens, including expensive medical procedures currently done in private hospitals. Although it seems like a noble notion, it is however important to note that the free healthcare the government already provides in state hospitals and clinics is already unsustainable and these facilities are in unthinkably awful conditions. The NHI is an unaffordable attempt from the state which would drastically cut the income of its citizens, as it would be mainly funded by a very small number of taxpayers.

The Minister of Finance did not budget for a reasonable amount for the implementation of the NHI, which implies that the Treasury does not foresee the actual implementation of the NHI in the near future. This was also the case with the previous submissions of the Bill, and now, with the Bill having been passed, the officials concerned still did not provide for this constitutional requirement.

Even so, the funding structure proposed in the NHI Bill makes provision for a new payroll tax, as well as for a surcharge on income tax. This is in addition to general tax revenue and a planned re-allocation of provincial budgets and conditional allocations, as well as from tax credits for medical schemes.

If the government projections made at that time are to be believed, the NHI will result in the budget deficit being further increased by about R32 billion. A more realistic calculation, as shown in a research report by the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), shows a deficit of R295,93 billion as an absolute minimum. Treasury cannot afford a deficit of R32 billion, let alone a deficit of R295,93 billion.

Theoretically, R295,93 billion could be generated by abolishing the medical tax credit (about R30 billion) and levying the following taxes:

A 40% surcharge on income tax;
Increasing VAT from 15% to 22%;
A payroll tax of 13,4%;
Increasing corporate income tax from 27% to 45%; and
A combination of these.

In real terms, none of these is possible, because the South African taxpayer is overtaxed.

The theoretical examples given here above serve as illustration purposes only and to demonstrate the absurdity of the NHI.

The National Health Act and a victory in court

On 24 June 2024 Solidarity managed to have one of the major cornerstones of the proposed National Health Insurance (NHI) pulled down by means of its legal action when the North Gauteng High Court declared sections 36 to 40 of the National Health Act unconstitutional. The court also granted a cost award against the respondents.

According to Solidarity, the state’s goal with these sections in the National Health Act clearly was to pave the way for the NHI.

“The government wants to change to a system in which health care is nationalised and health care practitioners become servants of the state so that the provision of all health care can be centrally controlled by the state. This victory thwarts those disastrous plans,” Solidarity Chief Executive Dr Dirk Hermann said.

Sections 36 to 40 of the National Health Act provide that health care practitioners obtain a certificate of need (CoN) from the Department of Health before they can establish a practice in a specific area.

By declaring these sections unconstitutional, this court ruling will have an impact on the implementation of the NHI Act and will complicate the processes to implement it.

After the court ruling by the North Gauteng High Court, the Minister of Health, Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, denied that the ruling on the National Health Act made the National Health Insurance (NHI) Act vulnerable, denying any connection with the NHI Act while accusing pressure groups of spreading “toxic propaganda”.

However, his own department’s spokesperson, Foster Mohale, was quoted on multiple occasions in the past, reaching this exact conclusion that the two are connected when the sections were first declared invalid in 2022.

“The ruling has serious implications for the implementation of the National Health Insurance (NHI), and the Department of Health will request that the ruling be overturned and will contest the case in the Constitutional Court,” Mohale said at the time.

Hermann says that the government does not have a track record of “doing the right thing,” and Solidarity will therefore be ready to continue the fight in court.

What are the implications of the NHI for South Africa?

Dr Eugene Brink, strategic advisor for community affairs at AfriForum, also explored the implications of National Health Insurance in an article published on Solidarity’s platform. He writes that the NHI could be very dangerous if ever fully implemented.

In his article he quotes Bloom Financial Services, which stated that the NHI would destroy comprehensive medical schemes. “Once implemented, medical schemes won’t be able to offer any health services already offered by the NHI. Medical aid will only offer you extra services not covered by the NHI.”

Brink also pointed out that all healthcare funds would be centralised (actually nationalised) in a single state-controlled fund. Given what the government as curator of tax money has caused as a result of blatant corruption and abuse, this is a chilling thought.

The medical aid fund Discovery offers further criticism in this regard, also quoted in Brink’s article: “Our strong view is that limiting the role of medical schemes would be counterproductive to the NHI because there are simply insufficient resources to meet the needs of all South Africans. Limiting people from purchasing the medical scheme coverage they seek will seriously curtail the healthcare they expect and demand. It poses the risks of eroding sentiment and of denuding the country of critically needed skills, and is impacting negatively on local and international investor sentiment and business confidence.”

Brink also refers to Prof. Nicola Theron and Dr Paula Armstrong of FTI Consulting who recently wrote that to insist that the only path to universal healthcare (UHC) is through a single pool of funds managed by the government and the erosion of the role of medical schemes as purchasers of medical services would probably contribute to the demise of a strong and well-functioning private healthcare section. It narrows consumer choice, erodes competition and may even lead to the same outcomes as recent examples of what has become of state-owned enterprises and funds. Read the full article here.

No end in sight for the fight against the NHI yet

“Solidarity is vehemently opposed to the NHI and is strongly in favour of a market approach, offering a choice to private service providers and to the public, while at the same time being in favour of an improved public healthcare system. NHI will ruin South Africa and Solidarity is preparing for a major court battle to ensure that the healthcare sector is free, safe and prosperous,” Brink concluded his article.

This week in South African news

Posted on July 1, 2024July 1, 2024 by anneke

What is news in South Africa this week (28 June 2024)? From waiting in suspense for the announcement of the new cabinet to racial and political incidents to newspapers closing down. If you are interested in South Africa, here are some impacting headlines in this week’s news.

The suspension of DA Member of Parliament raises concerns of unfairness in the management of racial issues

Old skeletons have been rediscovered in politicians’ closets after being sworn in as members of parliament. A video of Democratic Alliance (DA) Member of Parliament Renaldo Gouws taken 14 years ago was spread on social media.

In the video, Gouws expresses his concern about the rise of racism, hate speech and double standards in the condemnations thereof in South Africa. Gouws specifically refers to the song Economic Freedom Fighters’ (EFF’s) leader Julius Malema and his followers sing, “Dubula amabhunu. This song translates as “Shoot the Boer”.

Per illustration, Gouws starts off by using grotesque discriminatory language towards black people and talks about killing them. Then Gouws stops and says that this is not his opinion. He then asks the viewers to reflect on how they felt after hearing this.

Gouws made this video to illustrate “how white people feel” when the EFF sings their controversial song. Gouws further explains that South Africans should be consistent in their condemnation of racism.

Three years after posting the video, Gouws took it down with an apology. After the video resurfaced, Gouws apologised again unconditionally, but he was temporarily suspended as a member of the DA. He lost his position as member of parliament, and an investigation is pending against him. The Human Rights Commission also filed a complaint, challenging him in a court case.

Why is this unfair?

Shortly after Gouws’ suspension, another video, this time of Member of Parliament and uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK) Party member Andile Mngxitama, resurfaced calling for the genocide of white people. In the video Mngxitama encourages his followers to kill five white persons for every black person killed.

At this stage, no action was taken against Mr Mngxitama in contrast to the drastic action taken against Mr Gouws.

Photos of Ian Cameron, also a DA Member of Parliament, have been spread on social media. These photo’s were taken with his face painted black when he partook in protest action against racism 18 years ago.

Watch this video of Ernst Roets, head of policy at the Solidarity Movement, explaining the details of the event: https://fb.watch/s_720DaWOY/

Renaldo Gouws made the news this week for being suspended from the DA.

President Cyril Ramaphosa to announce the cabinet this week; crisis arose as the president went back on a promise

With the new cabinet expected to be announced soon, President Cyril Ramaphosa caused a crisis in the new Government of National Unity (GNU) when he retracted a promise he made to the DA during the negotiations. President Ramaphosa promised the DA the key ministerial position of Trade and Industry. On Wednesday 27, June he retracted the offer and proposed the alternative portfolio of Tourism.

DA leader John Steenhuisen was disappointed by the decision. The position of Trade and Industry was part of the negotiation process. The DA saw it as an opportunity to make a real difference in the country’s economy and growth.

President Ramaphosa’s decision came after a meeting with the ANC structures. The ANC promised the DA six ministerial potions. The DA tried to negotiate for eleven cabinet positions out of the 30 positions available.

With the stability of the GNU coming under threat as the DA might reconsider its cooperation, the value of the rand weakened by 1,27%. This shows that a GNU with the DA is necessary for South Africa’s economy.

Fortunately for South Africa, John Steenhuisen and President Cyril Ramaphosa found a way to work around this issue. There is now stability in the negotiations on cabinet positions.

The DA was promised ministerial positions in public affairs, basic education, public works and infrastructure, and communication and digital technology, among others.

DA leader John Steenhuisen and president Cyril Ramaphosa made headlines in this weeks news. — DA leader John Steenhuisen and president Cyril Ramaphosa were headlines in this weeks news.

Debate continues on the shutdown of the Afrikaans press while CEO walks away with millions

Leading news company Media24 announced that it will discontinue printing certain newspapers, among them well-known Afrikaans newspapers such as Beeld and Rapport. Citing financial reasons for the decision, Media24 announced these publications will only continue as digital publications. This decision means 400 employees will likely be retrenched.

This news came as a shock to the Afrikaans community who supported these newspapers throughout the years. While fiery debate on the matter continues, news came to light that Bob van Dijk, the CEO of Naspers which owns Media24, received compensation of R330 million in the previous financial year and will continue to receive R2,2 million for the next two months.

Solidarity Chief Executive Dr Dirk Hermann says Van Dijk’s compensation alone will be able to cover the losses Media24 are facing. Solidary says it will stand by its members at Media 24 who are now facing retrenchment, and it will demand answers from these companies. Solidarity also submitted a request to the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CMMA) to guide the process.

Thanks to AfriForum, midwife will appear in court for negligence causing the death and disability of babies

AfriForum, one of the institutions of the Solidarity Movement, is a civil rights organisation that frequently supports civilians in their court cases. Two women approached AfriForum to help them to open a case against a midwife guilty of malpractice, which tragically resulted in severe consequences for the babies of these women.

The one woman’s baby died nine days after birth, and the other’s baby was left disabled because the midwife neglected to call in medical assistance when needed after the birth.

The midwife will appear in court for the first time in July on charges of assault.

Read the article here: https://afriforum.co.za/en/former-midwife-who-allegedly-caused-complicated-births-to-finally-be-prosecuted/

Solidarity won two cases for workers unfairly discriminated against in the workplace

Solidarity is an institution of the Solidarity Movement and it supports persons with work-related issues. Solidarity recently won two cases on behalf of persons unfairly discriminated against in their workplace based on their race.

In the first case, an employee was falsely accused of racism because of a fault in the company’s system, and the employee was discharged with immediate effect. The employee responsible for allocating parking spots accidentally and due to a fault in the system reallocated the parking spots of two black senior employees.

When realising this mistake, the employee immediately apologised and corrected the mistake. The two senior employees still decided to submit a formal complaint of racism. The court found that there was no proof of such action, that the employee made an honest mistake and corrected it immediately. The company has to pay the employee an amount of R150 000 in compensation.

In another case, a police officer of the South African Police Service (SAPS) applied for promotion as Captain along with other candidates. After interviews, the reviewing team found that this SAPS officer was the best and most qualified candidate for this promotion.

The employee had 24 years of work experience at the SAPS. The department decided not to promote this employee but instead to adhere to the Employment Equity Act, and consequently no-one was appointed in the position.

Solidarity supported the employee with further action under the guidance of the CCMA. The CCMA found that the employee should have been promoted and was unfairly treated as no valid reason could be provided for the employee not being promoted, taking into consideration his long-term service in the SAPS.

Solidarity says these two cases should serve as a warning to institutions and employers that unfair labour practices will not be tolerated.

Read the articles here

https://aanlyn.solidariteit.co.za/publieke/artikel/solidariteit-wen-saak-vir-lid-wat-valslik-van-rassisme-beskuldig-was

https://aanlyn.solidariteit.co.za/publieke/artikel/solidariteit-gee-die-sapd-bloedneus-oor-onbillike-arbeidspraktyke

GNU: Updates and what lies ahead

Posted on June 20, 2024 by anneke

As the first sitting of parliament after the recent general election commenced on Friday 14 June, South Africans were still uncertain about the government of national unity as the relevant parties remained silent on the negotiating process between them.
Just after 12:00 a trusted source confirmed to the media that the ANC had signed an agreement for a government of national unity (GNU) with the DA and the IFP. Later on more parties joined in on the agreement.
The parliamentary sitting started at 10:00 on Friday morning and continued to approximately 18:00 the evening. President Cyril Ramaphosa was re-elected as State President. Thoko Didiza (ANC) was elected as speaker and Annelie Lotriet (DA) as deputy speaker.
Here are the updates you need to know and a glimpse of what the new government means for South Africa and the community at large.

President Cyril Ramaphosa is inaugurated for his third term as president
On Wednesday 19 June President Cyril Ramaphosa was reinaugurated for his third term as the president of South Africa at the Union Buildings in Pretoria. Part of the agreement between the DA and ANC, was that the DA would support Ramaphosa in votes to stay in his position as president. Solidarity attended the ceremony as representatives of the Afrikaner.
In his address, President Ramaphosa underscored the significance of cooperation. He affirmed that the ANC wholeheartedly acknowledges the outcomes of the national election, recognizing the voice of the South African populace. He stressed that political parties should now adhere to these results through collaborative efforts.

President Cyril Ramaphosa during his presidential inauguration

The ANC, DA, IFP, GOOD and the PA are officially part of the GNU
For the first time in the history of South Africa, the government resembles a broader range of people and their different needs and governs with far more votes than the 50% needed.
After the ANC, DA and IF concluded an agreement before the parliamentary sitting, GOOD and the PA also agreed to join the Government of national unity.
It is crucial to emphasize that not all parties have the liberty to join the Government of National Unity at will. Only those parties willing to abide by the negotiated terms and sign an agreement can participate in the government. Parties such as the EFF and MK has shown no interest to join the GNU.

The negotiations will continue
The negotiations on the GNU are not over yet, on the contrary, it can now start. The president still has to appoint ministers in the cabinet and the parliamentary portfolio comities still needs to elect chairman in each portfolio.
The DA and ANC argued on the term “broad representation” that the DA suggested. If this concept is implemented, it would mean ministers and chairman are appointed according to the number of votes each party obtained in the election.
President Ramaphosa rejected this proposal during the initial round of negotiations.

What does the new government mean for South Africa?
First of all, South Africa is at a better place than three weeks ago
Dr Dirk Hermann, Solidarity’s chief executive, says it is a positive development that the ANC no longer has free reins to govern the country on its own. This situation could signify positive implications for legislation such as the NHI Act and the BELA insofar as such legislation may now have to be revised, while it would not be possible to sign new laws without reaching consensus with the other parties in the GNU.

South Africa is still in an unstable position
A “better position” does not mean a stable position. According to Hermann, the political situation remains unstable, and many familiarities may be subjected to change. South Africans should not drop their guard and celebrate as if all has taken a turn for the good.

There may be more room for cultural development
According to Hermann, these election results show a rise in cultural groups voting for the same party, especially among the Zulu community. For the first time the political landscape might be ready to accommodate certain cultural communities to grow and build in their own communities. The Solidarity Movement will have more opportunity to advocate for “spaces” in communities for independent growth.

Time will tell what the immediate political future hold. There are reason for hope, but it is also important not to expect that change will happen over night. We will keep our readers informed.