Building resilient institutions in hostile circumstances (Speech at the International Conservatism Summit, Bratislava, 11 November 2024, written by Ernst Roets, head of the Afrikaner Foundation.)
“If you want to know what the future of Western Europe will look like, look at what is happening in South Africa.” This was the introductory remarks to a recent series of articles in the popular Hungarian newspaper Demokrata. The series was about the deterioration of South Africa and the initiatives of the Afrikaner people to ensure a future for ourselves through the variety of institutions that form part of the Solidarity Movement. Demokrata’s conclusion was not a lone voice in the wilderness.
In our international efforts, we have noticed that it is necessary to explain that South Africa should not only be looked at in order to get a glimpse of what the future might hold as far as crises are concerned; potential solutions should also be observed.
When the Iron Curtain fell, it was generally interpreted to signal the collapse of communism and the advent of liberal democracy. Even though South Africa was internationally celebrated as an example of the triumph of liberal democracy, it was, in truth, a victory for left-wing ideology.
This is because the South African Communist Party (SACP), an ally of the African National Congress (ANC), argued at the time that communism had failed because it wasn’t applied properly. Stalinism was not real communism, they said. Communist Party intellectuals in South Africa had the revolutionary idea that for communism to succeed, it would need to promote radical ends through moderate means. The goal was clear – a communist state, dictatorship of the proletariat and complete control over property. The appropriate way to achieve such ends, they argued, was not violent revolution, but to employ liberal democracy as a means of achieving this end.
And so, the strategy was simple – the revolutionary movement had to present itself as freedom loving liberal democrats, to gain international approval, popular support and – most importantly – disarm their political enemies. Through these moderate claims, they were to rise to power in a multi-party democracy under a liberal constitution. This, they argued, was phase one of the revolution. The goal of phase one was to take control of the levers of power.
Once these things were achieved and South Africa was internationally celebrated for adopting the “most liberal” and “most democratic” constitution in history, the ANC and the SACP declared that the liberal democratic dispensation was merely a beach-head – a temporary victory – on the road to revolution.
In 2012, the party announced that it was now ready for the “second transition” as a means of implementing the “second phase of the revolution”. This implied using the levers of power that they now controlled to navigate the country toward more aggressive socialism. What followed was a flood of destructive laws, bills and policy ideas, including:
an attempt to create a media regulation tribunal;
to severely increase the power of the government to declare random pieces of information as “secret” and to criminalize the publication thereof;
implementing a large-scale socialist healthcare system;
eroding the property rights clause in the Constitution to empower the state to confiscate private property without compensation; and
taking control of well-functioning Afrikaans schools to force them to “transform” into dysfunctional English schools.
During all of this, the Afrikaner community that I represent became especially vulnerable because of three factors:
We are a successful minority.
We are a discredited minority.
We are an easily identifiable minority.
And so, the Leviathan that we – the Afrikaners – built during the previous century – was turned against us, and aggressively so. Under the banner of promoting “non-racialism” the ANC government wrote and implemented more than 116 race laws, aimed at excluding and exploiting the white minority in particular. In a dark ironic twist of fate, the party that was celebrated internationally for bringing freedom and equality to South Africa, succeeded in using the “most liberal” and “most democratic” constitution in the world to implement and preside over the most race laws in history. Nowhere in history has there been a country with more race laws than the current South Africa government.
And so, only a madman would argue that the solution for the Afrikaner people under these circumstances is to pray for the political regime to protect us. But it turns out, unfortunately, that mad men (and mad women) are in ample supply.
Instead of waiting for the government, we decided to do it ourselves. We started a movement, the Solidarity Movement – a network that now consists of more than 50 institutions and 700 000 members who make monthly contributions to our work – to take care of our own community.
This is why we say that we believe ourselves to be also ahead of the curve as far as solutions are concerned.
This network of institutions has been described as a state within a state, a parallel state, and as a de facto government for the Afrikaner people. This is because these institutions cover a large variety of spheres necessary for our nation to flourish, fulfilling a variety of responsibilities typically regarded as the role of the government. For the sake of brevity, I will only mention some examples:
Solidarity focusses on employment and workers’ rights, especially with regard to freedom in the workplace.
AfriForum focusses on community organising, and safety and security within these communities.
The Solidarity Helping Hand focusses on support for impoverished communities and the provision of bursaries for underprivileged young people to study.
The Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisations is a network of cultural organisations aimed at protecting and promoting the Afrikaans language and Afrikaner culture.
The Support Centre for Schools works to support Afrikaans schools and combat destructive policy ideas with regard to education.
Akademia is a private institution of higher learning where Afrikaans students can do tertiary studies from a classical Christian perspective in their own language.
Sol-Tech is a technical college providing artisan training for young Afrikaans-speaking people.
Maroela Media is the largest online Afrikaans news website.
The Orania Development Company is actively involved with infrastructure development to accelerate the growth of the Afrikaner cultural community known as Orania. The aim is to develop Orania from a town currently inhabited by several thousand people into a fully-fledged Afrikaner city.
The Afrikaner Foundation – that I represent – works to promote international cooperation and reclaim our rightful place in the international community, by actively contributing to the preservation of Western civilization from our unique experience and perspective.
Every nation is unique. It would be irresponsible to attempt to merely copy solutions that have worked in one place and apply them to another. Having said this, there are some universal truths, based on which we can reach some conclusions. These truths can be discovered from a combination of common sense and experience.
And two important common-sense conclusions are firstly that more state control to fix societal issues is almost always a bad idea, and secondly, that more community involvement is almost always a good idea.
People are quick to conclude that many of the problems of the West are the result of government overreach – and rightly so. However, this ought to be only one part of the two-sided conclusion. This is because government overreach is a result of (and a contributing factor to) the withdrawal of communities and the erosion of community life. Under the banner of statist individualism, our moral frame of reference is no longer defined by our responsibilities toward our communities, but by the individual rights with which we demand protection by the state. This creates a vicious circle: demanding more protection by the state, from the state, necessarily implies strengthening the state, and strengthening the state usually leads to more demands for protection… by the state.
South Africa is ahead of the curve because we can see the consequences of the strange combination of government overreach and government incompetence in a very tangible way. But also, we believe that the Afrikaner people are ahead of the curve in a very important way because we are actively working on returning to one of the most important truths on which Western civilization was built – the building and strengthening of institutions that are not dependent on the state to flourish, but on the community.
In doing this, we are not – as some on the Left would argue – on the side of oppression, exclusion, bigotry or hate. We are on the side of love. Love for God, love for tradition, love for culture, love for community, love for our families, and love for the hard work that we are doing with our God-given talents to carry the treasures that we have inherited from those who were here before us safely through the crowd.
Ernst Roets is the head of the Afrikaner Foundation in South Africa
The Afrikaner Foundation works to promote international cooperation with and support for the Afrikaner people, for the Afrikaner people to take up their rightful place in the international community once again, and to contribute with a particular focus on the preservation of the Western tradition.
This was the simple but clear message that a crowd of more than 10 000 people conveyed today during the Bela protest march to every party and politician involved in South Africa’s Government of National Unity (GNU).
The Solidarity Movement, Solidarity, AfriForum, the Solidarity School Support Centre (SOS) and other organisations with an interest in Afrikaans education led the march in protest against the sections on public school admission and language policies included in the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act 32 of 2024 (the Bela Act).
Thousands of protesters marched against the BELA Act on 5 November.
The DA and FF+, supporters of the protest action, received a memorandum containing demands, following which protesters embarked on a peaceful march spanning approximately 1,8 km from the Voortrekker Monument along Reconciliation Road towards Freedom Park.
Here the memorandum, which was signed by more than 40 organisations, was handed over to Gayton McKenzie, as representative of the Precedency.
John Steenhuisen (DA leader) and Pieter Groenewald (FF+ leader) and the leaders of the Solidarity Movement’s institutions formed the front line of the procession.
According to Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, contemporary colonialists such as Panyaza Lesufi, the premier of Gauteng, and Matome Chiloane, the MEC for Education in this province, are trying to anglicise Afrikaans schools like the colonialists of old. “They will not succeed. Afrikaans will remain. What we do here today is out of love. Unlike Lesufi and Co, our actions are not motivated by hatred towards other groups. It’s out of love for our children. It is out of love for our schools. It is out of love for our task, our heritage, and the country,” explains Buys.
Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement
“Bela is our red line. We convey this message to all political parties in the GNU to ensure they understand the intensity of the community’s sentiments. More than 10 000 people said today that they will not allow their children’s future to be taken away,” explains Dr Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity.
Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity
Kallie Kriel, CEO of AfriForum, labels the protest march as a “historic day” and the largest march of Afrikaans speakers since 1994. “People are angry, and they have come here to show it today. A law that targets Afrikaans schools and threatens our cultural survival has angered them.”
Leon Fourie, CEO of SOS, maintains that today’s protest action sends a clear message to the government. He also condemns the government’s laxity and apathy and emphasises that the government has not only not built a single Afrikaans school over the past 30 years but also does not take mother language teaching seriously and openly expresses hatred towards Afrikaans schools. “Today it’s about more than just ourselves or our generation,” he explains. “It’s about generations yet to come.”
Steenhuisen emphasized during the signing of the memorandum that the language and admissions policy clause in the law gives too much power to the state and takes too much power away from parents and communities. “Our Constitution is clear. Every person has the right to education in the language or languages of their choice. These rights that are in our Constitution can no longer just be erased with a pen,” he explains. “We cannot hand this power over to a provincial officer in an office that sits far from the school and local community.”
DA leader, John Steenhuisen
Groenewald, for his part, denounced the ANC’s abuse of power with the adoption of the law in parliament before the national election, “because they knew they might not be the government after the election”. He pleaded for a change through the influence in the GNU. “Every step you take here today is a step of change.” He concluded by referring to the importance of mother language: “I am an Afrikaner and I am proud of it. Part of my pride is my mother language. That is why we must ensure that our pride is not trampled on.”
Pieter Groenewald, leader of the Vryheidsfront Plus
The PA leader, McKenzie, who also secured entry to the Freedom Park site, received the memorandum on behalf of the Presidency. He thanked President Cyril Ramaphosa for listening to the voice of the Afrikaans community by postponing the implementation of the two articles. He, however, emphasised that the fight would continue. “We will fight for Afrikaans, because Afrikaans is not going anywhere.”
PA leader, Gayton McKenzie
The institutions of the Solidarity Movement have today recommitted themselves to the ongoing struggle against the implementation of Section 4 and 5 of the Bela Act. Today’s visible demonstration is a powerful gesture, but only one way in which the institutions will stand up for mother language education, Afrikaans, teachers and children.
According to Buys, the negotiations with representatives of the GNU will now be met with clear evidence in hand – evidence from the thousands of South Africans who regard Bela as a red line and will not stand back and watch Afrikaans education be wiped out for political gain.
Two assassination attempts, Biden’s Covid-19 diagnosis, a sudden change in the Democratic Party’s presidential candidate, numerous newsworthy debates, two huge hurricanes and a McDonald’s visit later, and we are finally on the eve of the American presidential election.
South Africans have been closely watching this roller coaster of events from the very beginning. Some South Africans are even more familiar with American politics than they are with our own politics. However, this interest is not a strange phenomenon, nor is it an unnecessary one.
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison, explains that America is still the world’s most powerful superpower, and it will remain as such for a few years to come. Therefore, South Africa has a major interest in being aware of the influence this superpower can have on our economy.
“Economically, South Africa depends strongly on trade with the USA and on investments from this country. What happens in America affects us all because it affects our exchange rate, as well as commodity prices, trade relations and global political and economic variables,” Kleynhans explained.
Kleynhans is a political expert with a particular interest in international politics. Part of his duties is to inform Afrikaners about the latest political events in the world and the influence of such events on South Africa. He does weekly talks on Afrikaans radio stations, writes articles for the Afrikaans media, and has his own podcast Wêreldwys (World Wise) where he explains complex politics in an understandable way to the public.
However, American politics is one of Kleynhans’s particular preferences. At one stage, he was himself involved in an election campaign for George W. Bush. Kleynhans will be in the USA from 5 November to report on developments in the election to South Africans. After the election, he will undertake a three-week tour of the USA, visiting Michigan, Wisconsin and Texas, among others, to discuss the Solidarity Movement’s cause with those interested in it.
“We engage with both Republicans and Democrats and have no motive to take sides. I will be meeting with members of both parties across the US, and in particular in Washington DC over the next three weeks. There are many Republicans and Democrats in the United States Congress who are interested in what happens in South Africa, and with whom we have already established a good rapport.”
For some years now the Solidarity Movement has been canvassing international support for South Africa and for Afrikaners. Jaco is one of the main players in this regard.
“For the past two years, I have been working on fostering ties with legislators in various states. We are about to draft important resolutions for consideration in some of the states’ legislatures. This may have far-reaching consequences.
Moreover, we have very sound contacts in in the Congress in Washington DC and with organisations that influence political policy. In my discussions with dozens of influential persons I will deal with various issues such as the Government of National Unity (GNU), AGOA, the position of minorities in South Africa, the BELA Act, the planned NHI, crime, BRICS, the ANC’s ties with Russia, China and Iran, while I will also focus on the work of the Solidarity Movement as well.”
Who does Kleynhans think will win the election, and what would the consequences be of such a result for South Africa?
If he has to take his best educated guess, Kleynhans believes Trump stands a good chance to win, but it will depend on who will be voting.
“Economically, a Trump victory can bring great opportunities and risk. The main opportunities are in trade as Trump is planning strong action against China. This will create new opportunities for South Africa to export even more products to the USA”.
Afrikaners have organised a massive march against the BELA Act (read more about it here) on the same day the American presidential election is taking place. For Afrikaners, to hold a protest march is a rare cultural phenomenon, and this day will certainly have a historical impact. Despite our own political turmoil and upheaval, America can know for sure that South Africans will still watch the American election with a hawk’s eye.
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison
A commemorative event for the former Zulu King, King Dinuzulu (1868-1913), was held on the Farm Rietfontein (Kwa Thengisangaye on Friday 18 October.
The reigning Zulu King, King Misuzulu KaZwelithini, invited AfriForum (an institution of the Solidarity Movement to the event. For these two parties this marks the beginning of formal discussions on cooperation between the Zulu communities and the Afrikaners.
King Misuzulu Zwelithini wants the talks to focus on cooperation in the fields of the economy, community safety, land management and cultural exchange, as well as other matters of joint interest.
This occasion was celebrated on the farm where King Dinuzulu died in exile on 18 October 1913, exactly 111 years ago.
A brief background on the Afrikaners and the Zulus
Many people who are not all that familiar with the history, are under the impression that the Afrikaners and the Zulus have a history of conflict and that, to this day, they live in animosity. This perception dates back to the times of the Great Trek.
Under the rule of King Dingaan, a cruel Zulu king, thousands of Zulus massacred innocent women, children and families during the Battle of Bloukrans. The Trekkers took revenge at the Battle of Blood River, a battle that claimed the lives of almost 10 000 Zulus.
In the aftermath of these events and King Dingaan’s death, the Voortrekkers, today’s Afrikaners, made peace with the Zulus. The Afrikaners even attended the inauguration of Dingaan’s successor, King Mpande. The Afrikaners and Zulus subsequently fought side by side on numerous occasions and cooperated whenever the opportunity presented itself.
This cooperation and peace clearly manifested in the he relationship King Dinuzulu had with the Afrikaners.
During the Bambata Rebellion against the British colonialists, King Dinuzulu was imprisoned in Newcastle. When South Africa became a Union the new Prime Minister, Louis Botha, ordered the release of the Zulu King.
After his release, King Dinuzulu was allowed to settle on the Farm Rietfontein where he spent his last years. Botha knew him well because, as a young man, Botha was a member of Comdt Lucas Meyer’s commando that supported King Dinuzulu in the victory over the Mandlakazi, a Zulu faction, during the Battle of Spookberg (Tshaneni) in 1884.
During the memorial event this month reference was made to the relationship between General Louis Botha and King Dinuzulu.
King Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
What does the future hold?
In his speech, the King emphasised among other things that the “historical alliances” that existed between the Afrikaners and the Zulus are “a reminder of the complexities and nuances of our past.”
“The relationships that existed between King Mpande, King Dinuzulu and the Boer leaders remind us of the intricate web of diplomacy and steadfastness that characterised our history,” King Misuzulu KaZweletini said.
According to Mwalela Cele, deputy head of research and innovation at Amafa, the KwaThengisangaye Site is a confirmation of the role that heritage can play in promoting peaceful coexistence.
“The site and the history and the heritage associated with it confirm that that there is more that unites us than what divides us in this beautiful country. It is very important to Amafa that sites such as this one are preserved and that memorials and plaques are erected so that they can be preserved for generations to come and so that people will be able to know their history,” Cele explained.
Barend Uys, head of intercultural relations and cooperation at AfriForum mentioned at the event that the present generation, like previous generations have the responsibility to ensure a future for generations to come. He maintains, that all peoples in the country are facing major challenges but that solutions beckon
AfriForum believes that all cultural communities should work together on a basis of mutual recognition and respect on matters that are important to us. The historical issue our generation has to resolve is the peaceful co-existence of all the peoples calling the southern tip of Afrika their home. What is happening here today can serve as a good start to ensure a peaceful co-existence. We are building trust. We are engaging in difficult talks that are necessary to achieve genuine reconciliation between peoples.”
Uys welcomed King Misuzulu’s positive response to a request for dialogue with the Afrikaans community.
“We are keenly looking forward to engage in talks with the king about issues that affect our respective communities, and to cooperate with the king,” Uys explained.
“AfriForum and Afrikaners choose to continue to exist with a sense of justice. We choose mutual recognition and respect. We choose a peaceful coexistence. What we are experiencing is that the other peoples in the country and especially the traditional leaders have also made the choice, and today’s celebrations were an exceptional example of that. We are also very grateful for the privilege of having King Misuzulu attending the occasion where he acted as keynote speaker.
Barend Uys of AfriForum, Frikkie Meyer (interpreter) and king Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
During the latter part of every year numerous organisations issue their lists of global risks for the next year. Major companies use these lists to do their planning to ensure that they are hedged against those risks.
In addition to all the usual matters, natural disasters, political uncertainty and so on, there is a new one this year: “Trump’s protectionism” which, according to the World Economic Forum (WEF), poses a significant risk to the global economy. I have never really been bothered by the WEF’s talk about how the globe would go up in flames at any moment if we do not trade beef for bugs. Unfortunately, however, many influential people take the WEF’s talk seriously.
Protectionism
This outdated policy is widely regarded as a major obstacle to economic growth, and rightfully so. It involves imposing duties to keep importes out of a country, thereby promoting the local industry. For example, South Africa imposes duties on steel and chicken meat imports. The end result is that steel and chicken are very expensive without us having a significant chicken industry, while the local steel sector still remains under constant pressure.
In short, protectionism is based on the fallacy that in trade there are winners and losers. The reality is that in proper trade everyone is a winner.
However, duties are also imposed for other reasons. For example, if a country uses slave labour, duties can be imposed to punish the exporter without, however, stopping the purchase of those products. The only ones actually punished are the consumers of these products because they have to pay more for the product while still having to soothe their conscience about using the products of slavery. Then there are other considerations too, such as the enormous duties imposed on CCTV equipment from China which, according to numerous experts, is used to spy on the entire world. The best-known duties are anti-dumping duties which are introduced to prevent another country from dumping their cheap, often inferior products in a country, destroying the local industry, and then it continues to export products at normal prices and volumes without the burden of a competitive market.
Regardless of the reasons, it is an accepted truth that any trade restrictions, be they quotas, duties or whatever else, are bad for the global economy. It is estimated that the global economy could double if all countries were allowed to export their specialist products without duties or other barriers.
How dangerous is it for South Africa?
Just as almost everyone accepts that trade restrictions and tariffs are bad, everyone also accepts that whatever is best for America is also best for the world. When America is doing well, the world is doing well. When these two general truths are at odds with each other it muddies the waters.
New duties and other trade restrictions make products and services more expensive for Americans, but they also create job opportunities and a more localised economy in America. Along with localisation come others risks that could be to the USA’s disadvantage in the long run. But then there are also numerous advantages. By moving factories back to the USA, major capital investments are made and even if many of the risks do play out it would be most unlikely that these investments would be undone by moving plants abroad again.
The main advantage of such a policy is that the USA will pursue energy independence. They produce their own oil, and with Trump’s proposed policy in place, it would be enough for their own needs and even for exports. This means that the rest of the world’s demand for oil falls, with the result that everyone, not just America, pays less for energy. Thus, everyone wins here and in today’s energy-intensive world, this is not to be laughed off.
Where South Africa, and everyone else are, however, directly affected is when it comes to exports to the USA. Here too, South Africa need not be too concerned. Most of our exports are raw materials and chemicals which are rarely, if ever, subject to duties. And even if that should happen, South Africa enjoys duty-free status under AGOA in respect of these products. The automative industry, which is directly in Trump’s sights, also enjoys this advantage. Our local industries will therefore enjoy a very strong competitive advantage. Unless AGOA comes to an end, or these local industries perish, we have little to be concerned about.
Is it really a risk then?
Any policy that suppresses economic growth or one that concentrates growth in one place only based on man-made circumstances is bad. Obviously, this is also a risk. However, for South Africa the biggest risk would rather be that our government continues to act in a hostile manner towards the West and that we are kicked out of AGOA as a consequence. In those circumstances, a more protectionist policy in America would only have disadvantages for us without any significant advantages coming our way.
Of course, all of this would only apply if Trump should move back into the White House. The alternative is another four years of poor growth and large-scale waste by the American government. And that is not good for anyone.
Theuns du Buisson is an economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute
If you admire the work the Solidarity Movement do and want to contribute or are searching for opportunities for collaboration in some way, but don’t know how, this article is for you. We know that no community, institution or country can function on its own. Your contribution may feel small to you, but it can make a big difference to us and South Africa as a country.
Why is international support important?
The international community’s support for Afrikaners in South Africa is about more than just protecting a single group; it is about promoting minority rights, preserving cultural diversity and contributing to the stability and progress of South Africa as a whole. By supporting the Solidarity Movement, the international community supports a broader vision of a world where diversity is respected and cherished.
Preservation of cultural diversity
Afrikaners have a unique cultural identity that has developed over more than three centuries. Their language, Afrikaans, and their cultural practices, including traditions, music and literature, form an important part of South Africa’s diverse cultural tapestry. The international community, which values the preservation of cultural diversity, can play a role in supporting initiatives aimed at preserving and promoting this culture together with all other cultures.
Human rights and minority protection
Like any minority group in a multicultural society, Afrikaners are at risk of discrimination and marginalisation. In the present-day South Africa, where policies such as affirmative action and land reform are controversial issues, there are instances where Afrikaners feel that their rights are threatened. International support can help ensure that the rights of Afrikaners are protected as a minority group, and that they have equal access to economic opportunities and basic services.
Education and economic development
Education is one of the pillars of any society’s progress. Afrikaners, like all other communities, strive to have access to quality mother tongue education. Institutions such as Sol-Tech and Akademia offer training and education in Afrikaans, contributing to the empowerment of the Afrikaner youth. International support can help these institutions to expand their capacity and to make quality education available to more people, ultimately promoting the economic development of the entire community.
Protection against economic marginalisation
In the current South African context, there is an ongoing debate about affirmative action and land reform, which are intended to correct historical injustices. Although these policies are well-intentioned, they harm South Africa as a whole and create opportunities for corruption. International support can help ensure that merit, and not skin colour, becomes the basis of economic growth.
Peace and stability in South Africa
The stability of any country depends on the harmony and cooperation that exist between its different population groups. By supporting Afrikaners in their efforts to build a sustainable and just future for themselves, the international community can contribute to the greater goal of peace and stability in South Africa. This includes support for dialogue and cooperation between the different cultural and ethnic groups in the country.
Here is how you can support the Solidarity Movement:
Donations
Any contribution helps us to expand our projects and to build a better, prosperous South Africa. To support our cause, you can make a donation towards any institution or project of your choice through the Afrikaner Foundation (Afrikaner.org.za), or through the Solidarity Movement’s website (solidaritymovement.co.za/donations/).
Recognition
Giving recognition to our initiatives may seem to be a small gesture to you, but to us recognition brings credibility and respect in the local and national political circles where we are trying to establish collaboration. Official international recognition will strengthen the stance the Solidarity Movement takes in South Africa.
Spread awareness
Unfortunately, a large part of the world is still ignorant about state failure in South Africa, and easily believes the lies and appearances the government tries to put forward. By spreading awareness of the real situation in South Africa, you are not only helping our institutions, but you are also helping all the people of South Africa that suffer due to the poor governance in the country.
Apply political pressure
By applying political pressure on South Africa’s government, you confirm that their actions are not approved by all international institutions, and it forces them to reconsider the impact of their choices.
Friendship and co-operation
The Solidarity Movement is open to new opportunities to learn from and engage with our international friends. Our friendship bonds help to contribute our knowledge to the world and also to learn from other institutions.
For any enquiries, please do not hesitate to contact us:
The Solidarity Movement’s institutions are engaged in many important projects. However, there are a view projects that are worth highlighting as they not only impact the Solidarity Movement, but have an impact on a national level in the country.
Our project highlights
The new Akademia campus
The real estate development company Kanton (one of the Movement’s institutions) launched a major project for the development of the Akademia campus in Pretoria as part of the Toekomsbouer (meaning “future builder”) campaign.
This R1.3 billion ($72.8 million) campus project is the largest development project in the history of the Afrikaans language and culture communities and represents a major historical turning point to ensure the sustainability of higher education in Afrikaans.
Render showing entrance to new Akademia campusArchitectural rendering of part of the Akademia campusRender showing a section of the new Akademia campus with a chapelRendering showing the complete campus grounds.
Student residence for Sol-Tech
The first student residence for Sol-Tech, a private vocational training college, on the Sol-Tech campus in Pretoria will soon open its doors. This residence will make it possible for students from all over the country to study at this training college as they will have accommodation in Pretoria.
Sol-Tech residence in progressCompleted Sol-Tech residenceAn example of a room in the residenceHallway in the new Sol-Tech residence
Solidarity and AfriForum’s pending court cases
AfriForum and Solidarity do not hesitate to challenge the government in court about the unconstitutional laws it implements to gain more power and control. Some of the imminent court cases include litigation against the National Health Insurance Act (https://solidaritymovement.co.za/solidaritys-fight-against-the-national-health-insurance-nhi-act/), and the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill (BELA) that had recently been signed into law and aims, among other things, to change the face of mother-tongue education in South Africa.
Study funds for students who struggle financially
Solidarity Helping Hand manages a study fund trust known as the Helping Hand Study Trust (HHST) to ensure a future for young people who lack the funds to enrol for a study programme. The Study Trust is one of Solidarity’s proudest achievements. Not only does it empower students to study and to qualify themselves for a career, but it also breaks the poverty cycle and ensures a stable financial future for those who would not have had a future.
Promoting jobs
The current unemployment rate in South Africa is 32.9%. Most of the unemployed are young people who want to work but cannot find a job opportunity. Solidarity created a platform, known as Solidarity, for our community that connects employers and job seekers.
Since its launch in September 2023, more than 5,800 job opportunities have been advertised on the platform.
Approximately 500 vacancies are available on the platform on a monthly basis.
2,100 companies are registered on the platform.
70,000 users create a large network of employers and employees.
Since the launch of the platform, 14,820 people have applied for vacancies advertised on the platform.
Not only is the platform a space to advertise job opportunities, but it also creates an online community where people get the chance to network and ask questions related to their specific fields.
Hundreds of jobs are uploaded daily on Solidarity’s platform for job seekers and employers.
Information and encouragement
The Solidarity Movement believes that the public should be informed about the latest developments in political decision-making and should also understand the direct impact those decisions can have on them and on the country. For this reason, the Solidarity Movement and its institutions regularly hold media conferences, issue research reports and use online platforms to explain the latest political events and engage with its members and the public to give them a transparent and objective view of developments and issues that affect them. Our communications always include a message of hope and practical advice that members of the community can follow to contribute towards addressing a problem or to make a difference in their community.
In 2022 around 700,000 people emigrated from South Africa. Their reasons for leaving the country include the high crime rate, the lack of job opportunities, or the desire to build a better future for their children. It is true that many Afrikaners sometimes feel like foreigners in their own country. Solidarity recently started a campaign called “#JyHoortHier”, translated as “You belong here” to encourage Afrikaners to stay in South Africa, to acknowledge their heritage and roots in the country and to take ownership to create a better future for themselves and future generations.
Afrikaners belong in South Africa
Our success stories
Every small victory is a success story. We are proud of our institutions’ hard work and efforts to make a difference so that our people can live freely, safely and prosperously in this country. A few of our recent success stories follow below:
Solidarity won three cases in the Labour Court on behalf of Solidarity members who had been discriminated against in the workplace due their race.
Akademia announced the opening of a campus in the Western Cape.
AfriForum established the first private fire department in Bloemfontein as the local government failed to deliver these services to the community.
Sol-Tech’s IT qualification received an award as best new programme at the Computing Technology Industry Association (CompTIA’s) 2023 Africa Awards Ceremony.
Solidarity submitted an economic recovery strategy to the National Treasury.
AfriForum’s anti-bullying campaign engaged with thousands of learners.
Akademia rolled out its second honours programme: Media and Communications.
Sol-Tech rolled out a new programme on early childhood development.
Thousands of potholes have been repaired in more than 20 towns around South Africa.
The Solidarity Movement established the Afrikaner Foundation to raise funds for future projects.
Each year we are once again amazed by what can be achieved when a community stand together to make a difference. These projects and success stories are not because of a big organization’s efforts, but because of every individual who contributed in a big or small way.
The Afrikaners are a nation in South Africa, mainly descendants of Dutch, French Huguenots and German settlers who had immigrated to the Cape of Good Hope from the mid-17th century. They have developed a unique cultural and linguistic identity, which is centred around the use of the Afrikaans language and Calvinism as their religious belief.
Origin and identity
Afrikaners’ identity is deeply rooted in a complex history of colonisation, conflict, self-determination and adapting to an African context since 1652. The origin of the Afrikaners can be traced back to the establishment of the refreshment station in the Cape by the Dutch East India Company, or the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC), in 1652. During the centuries that followed, this unique community named itself after Africa and developed a language, Afrikaans, which originated from Dutch and which also inherited influences from other languages such as Malay, Portuguese and the indigenous languages of the Khoi and San.
The freedom struggle of the Afrikaners in South Africa is a deeply interwoven narrative that spans across more than three centuries. It is a story of resilience, identity and the constant quest for self-determination during various types of oppression. This analysis will examine the most important moments and phases of this struggle, and will attempt to unravel the Afrikaners’ complicated path to freedom in South Africa.
The settlement at the Cape: The beginning of a new nation (1652 – 1795)
The arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in 1652, and the subsequent establishment of the refreshment station at the Cape of Good Hope, laid the foundation for the development of the Afrikaner identity. The settlers, who were mainly of Dutch, French Huguenot and German origin, settled at the southern tip of Africa, initially to supply the needs of the VOC’s ships. However, these European settlers soon began to develop a unique identity, modelled on their European heritage, but also adapted to the challenges and circumstances of their new home.
In these early years, the Afrikaners, who were known as “Boere”, adopted a way of life that depended on self-reliance, livestock farming and a strong Calvinist faith. They settled in remote areas and made a living through hard work and a strong belief in their religious calling. This self-reliance and faith played an important role in the development of a strong Afrikaner identity, which would later play a key role in their struggle for freedom.
The Dutch Governor, Jan van Riebeeck, settled in Cape Town, South Africa in 1652.
The Great Trek: A quest for self-determination
The American War of Independence, also known as the American Revolution or the American Revolutionary War, which took place between 1775 and 1783, inspired Afrikaners to rebel against British colonial rule and establish independent republics in the interior.
By the early 19th century, the British annexation of the Cape Colony led to increasing tension between the British authorities and the Afrikaners. The abolition of slavery in 1834, together with British interference in the Afrikaners’ way of life, led them to believe that their freedom was threatened. In response, thousands of Afrikaners began the Great Trek in 1836, a massive migration into the interior of South Africa, in search of freedom and self-determination.
The Great Trek was not only a physical movement, but also a symbolic action of secession from British rule and a quest for the establishment of independent republics. Those participating in the Great Trek (known as the Voortrekkers) established their own governments and laws in the new republics such as the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) and the Orange Free State Republic. These republics provided a space where Afrikaners could maintain their way of life and realise their cultural and religious beliefs without outside interference.
Hundreds of Dutch settlers, also known as “Voortrekkers”, travelled from the Cape Colony into the interior of modern South Africa.
The First Anglo-Boer War (1880 – 1881)
The First Anglo-Boer War (the first War of Independence) was of short duration, but provided an important build-up to the Anglo-Boer Wars. Afrikaner farmers were locked in a complicated, bona fide struggle with imperialism. The British government made unfair demands on the Boers, who became increasingly rebellious and insisted on self-government.
After the Great Trek, the Boers felt that the British would re-annex any establishment of self-government and infringe on the local residents’ freedom. In the end, the Boers united and took up arms against the British government, having a tremendous advantage in combat technique.
The war was of short duration, and in 1881 a peace treaty was signed. However, the tension between the British authorities and the local Boers only increased which ultimately would give rise to another war.
The Anglo-Boer Wars: A struggle for survival and sovereignty (1899 – 1902)
The discovery of gold and diamonds in the Boer Republics in the late 19th century drew the British Empire’s attention to the mineral wealth in the interior. This led to increasing tension between the British authorities and the Boer Republics, which eventually led to the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer Wars. These wars took place from 1899 to 1902 and were a desperate attempt by the Afrikaners to maintain their independence and sovereignty against the powerful British Empire.
The wars were particularly brutal, with the British authorities adopting a scorched earth policy, which led to the scorched farms and the internment of women and children in concentration camps. These camps claimed the lives of over 22 000 children, claiming 33 000 lives in total. The wars left a deep scar on the Afrikaner psyche. Despite the heroic resistance from the Boers, British’s force of numbers eventually prevailed, and the Republics were annexed as part of the British Empire.
Children running around in Turffontein concentration camp.
Boers during the war.
Rising from a scorched earth (1902 – 1948)
After the Anglo-Boer Wars, the Afrikaners found themselves in a difficult position, defeated and humiliated, but with a renewed drive to restore their cultural identity and freedom. During the post-war years, the Afrikaners reorganised themselves, focusing on rebuilding their communities and promoting their language, Afrikaans, and their culture.
The Helpmekaar Movement is the first practical example of how a cultural community stood together to rise from poverty. The Helpmekaar Movement was a fundraising effort after the Anglo-Boer War. Impoverished Afrikaners each donated cents to establish a fund. The movement grew nationwide. The results were astonishing. This money was used to establish a study fund, and the fund is used to this day to fund scholarships for young people.
Furthermore, the establishment of Afrikaner institutions such as the Mine Workers’ Union, the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Associations (the FAK) and many others, as well as the development of Afrikaans education contributed to the rise of Afrikaner nationalism. This movement aimed to protect the Afrikaners’ political and economic interests and to preserve their cultural heritage. The main political vehicle for this nationalism was the National Party, which won the general election in 1948, and introduced apartheid as a policy to protect Afrikaner interests.
A ruined farm after the war.
The struggle for self-preservation during the Cold War
Apartheid, introduced in 1948, was a systematic attempt by the National Party government to implement racial segregation and protect Afrikaners in a country where the overwhelming majority is black. However, the policy not only provoked local opposition, but was also denounced internationally. The international community used economic sanctions and political pressure to end the apartheid system.
During this period, the Afrikaners faced increasing isolation and growing instability within the country. The fear of losing their culture and freedom fuelled the government’s harsh suppression of any resistance, but eventually it became clear that apartheid was unsustainable. This isolation was reinforced by the growing liberation struggle of black South Africans, led by movements such as the African National Congress (ANC), which the apartheid government viewed as a communist threat.
The Afrikaners’ influence on the Cold War during the period of 1945 to 1990 was significant, especially within the context of South Africa’s strategic location, its domestic policy of apartheid and its foreign relations. During this era, the apartheid government of South Africa, led by Afrikaner politicians, was not only managing internal tensions, but also navigating the complex global relations of the Cold War, characterised by tension between the capitalist West, led by the United States, and the communist Eastern Bloc, led by the Soviet Union.
Despite the sanctions and unrest in the country, industrialisation peaked during this period. South Africa was one of the leading countries in the world in terms of infrastructure. South Africa’s railways and its transport network were among the best in the world. Air transport and ports were modernised to promote trade. During this period ESCOM was established which independently generated energy for South Africa and other African countries. Oil and gas infrastructure, including refineries and storage facilities, were developed and expanded. Water and urban development were also among the other successful projects. In South Africa’s history, this period was certainly the apex in the country’s progress and development.
South Africa as a bastion against communism in Africa
During the Cold War, the apartheid government positioned itself as a bastion against the expansion of communism in Africa. In this period, many African states gained independence and several of them opted for socialist or Marxist ideologies, often with support from the Soviet Union and Cuba. The Afrikaner government in South Africa saw these developments as a direct threat and consequently forged strong ties with Western countries, especially the United States, which saw the government as a useful ally in the fight against communism.
This anti-communist position led to South Africa’s direct involvement in several conflicts in the region, including the Angolan Civil War (1975 – 2002), in which the South African Defence Force fought against the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the Marxist government, which was supported by the Soviet Union and Cuba. South Africa supported UNITA (The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) rebel movement, led by Jonas Savimbi, as an opponent to the MPLA. This involvement formed part of a larger regional policy known as the “Total Onslaught” according to which the apartheid government believed it was surrounded by communist forces focused on destabilising the country.
Nuclear weapons
One of the most significant, yet often overlooked, aspects of the Afrikaners’ influence on the Cold War was South Africa’s development of nuclear weapons in the 1970s and 1980s. The apartheid government developed a secret nuclear weapons programme, which eventually resulted in the production of six nuclear weapons. This development was prompted by the government’s fears about a communist threat and a lack of confidence in Western support in an emergency situation.
This nuclear weapons programme placed South Africa in a unique position as the only state in Africa to develop nuclear weapons, and it highlighted the complex nature of the country’s participation in the Cold War.
The end of the Cold War and the consequences for South Africa
The end of the Cold War in the late 1980s and early 1990s had profound implications for South Africa and the Afrikaner government. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the declining threat of communism, the apartheid government lost an important component of its international justification for apartheid. Due to increasing internal and external pressures, FW de Klerk’s government in 1990 began a process to dismantle apartheid and started negotiations that led to the country’s first democratic elections in 1994.
Afrikaners fulfilled a complex role during the Cold War, positioning themselves as anti-communist advocates and the protectors of Western interests in Africa, while at the same time facing international condemnation for their apartheid policies. This period had profound consequences for the country’s political, economic and military strategies, and played a significant role in shaping global perceptions of South Africa during the late 20th century.
The modern Afrikaner community is more diverse than ever, with some actively preserving their cultural heritage, while others are adapting to the changing realities of a global and multicultural world. Despite the challenges they face, Afrikaners remain committed to the principles of freedom, self-determination and the preservation of their unique identity.
The Afrikaners’ struggle for freedom in South Africa is a rich and complex narrative of conformation, resistance and survival. It is a history shaped by struggles against oppression, the quest for independence and the constant efforts to secure a place for themselves in a dynamic and often hostile environment. In the post-apartheid era, the question of what freedom means to Afrikaners remains relevant as they reconsider their identity and role in a changing South Africa and world.
Afrikaners’ place in Africa – 30 years after 1994
Afrikaners’ own perception of their place in Africa must be assessed as a search to find a balance between a strong sense of community and adapting to a changing social and political landscape in South Africa.
Historical commitment to the country:
Afrikaners regard South Africa as their home, the country where their ancestors toiled the land, fought wars and built a unique culture and community. This strong historical connection to the country gives Afrikaners a sense of having a right to the land and the nation, which strengthens their identity and defines their place in South Africa.
Self-determination and cultural preservation:
Many Afrikaners place a great value on self-determination and the preservation of their culture within the broader context of a multicultural South Africa. This pursuit of self-determination manifests itself in the preservation of Afrikaans schools, universities and cultural organisations that promote and protect the Afrikaner heritage.
Adapting and cooperation:
In the post-apartheid era, Afrikaners also showed a need to adapt to the new South Africa and to seek cooperation with other cultures and communities. This adaptation is seen in the way many Afrikaners work to build bridges across racial and cultural boundaries, while still valuing and promoting their own cultural heritage.
Challenges and opportunities:
Afrikaners face several challenges in modern South Africa, including economic transformation, affirmative action and the preservation of their language and culture in an ever-increasing globalising world. However, many Afrikaners see these challenges as opportunities to redefine their place in Africa and to make a positive contribution towards the country’s development and progress.
Afrikaans as a way of life in Africa:
For many Afrikaners, Afrikaans is more than just a language; it is a way of life that connects them to their African soil and their communities. They see themselves as being part of the larger African context, while at the same time maintaining their own cultural identity. This connection to the continent is reflected in the way they express their culture and see their place in South Africa – not just as a European legacy, but as a unique Afrikaner heritage rooted in Africa.
The Afrikaners’ view of their place in Africa is one of deep historical bond, cultural pride and adaptability. While they have a troubled history of colonialism and apartheid, Afrikaners today are looking for a way to preserve their identity and culture while actively participating in a diverse and dynamic South Africa. They consider themselves an indigenous community in Africa, making a unique contribution to the rich tapestry of the continent’s history and culture.
A strategic future vision of Afrikaners’ role in South Africa
Flip Buys, Chairman of the Solidarity Movement
The Solidarity Movement is an Afrikaner organisation in South Africa that originated from the trade union Solidarity, which over the years has developed into a broader movement that focuses on the protection and promotion of Afrikaner interests, and their language, culture and economic independence. The Movement has several subsidiaries and initiatives that aim to support and strengthen the Afrikaner community in a changing South African society.
The Solidarity Movement’s main objective is to ensure that the Afrikaner community continues to exist at the southern tip of Africa in a manner that is sustainably free, safe and prosperous. It focuses on self-reliance, cultural preservation and creating a strong, self-sufficient community capable of promoting and protecting its own interests. The Movement also promotes solidarity between its members, and works to ensure a safe and prosperous future for Afrikaners in South Africa.
Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, has a clear and strategic vision of the place and role of Afrikaners in contemporary South Africa. His approach is based on the principles of self-reliance, community development and the protection of the Afrikaner identity within the context of a multicultural society. Below follows an outline of his strategy and views:
Independence and economic power
Buys emphasises the importance of economic independence for Afrikaners. He argues that in order to ensure a sustainable future, Afrikaners must focus on the development of their own institutions, businesses and communities. Under his leadership, Solidarity has created a network of education, training and community initiatives that enable Afrikaners to empower themselves and their children through quality training and skills development.
Community development
Buys strongly believes in building strong communities as a basis for survival and success in South Africa. He emphasises that Afrikaners have to strengthen their community organisations, such as schools, churches, cultural organisations and businesses, in order to create a safe and supportive environment in which their culture and language can prosper. The Solidarity Movement plays a central role in this by offering support to Afrikaner businesses and community projects.
Helping Hand helps to secure a future for children and adults who suffers from poverty.
The preservation of identity
One of Buys’ core focuses is the preservation and promotion of Afrikaner identity and culture. He considers it essential to protect the language, history and traditions of Afrikaners, especially in a country where they are a minority group. This preservation is not just a nostalgic effort but a strategic step to build a sense of community and solidarity among Afrikaners, enabling them to be stronger and more united in the face of challenges.
Political self-preservation
Although Buys and the Solidarity Movement are not explicitly party politically inclined, they are aware of the importance of political self-preservation and influence. Buys supports the idea that Afrikaners should apply themselves to protect their interests by engaging with all levels of society, including political parties, but with an emphasis on maintaining an independent and self-reliant position. Solidarity’s strategy focuses on legal action, advocacy of policies and the promotion of labour rights as ways to protect and promote the rights of Afrikaners within the framework of the Constitution of South Africa.
Solidarity and cooperation
A core aspect of Buys’ approach is the idea of solidarity – not only within the Afrikaner community, but also with other communities facing similar challenges. He advocates for the cooperation between different groups to promote common interests, especially in areas such as education, security and economic development. Buys considers it to be essential to build bridges and form alliances to promote a stronger and more united South Africa.
Volunteers work together to fill potholes.
Vision for the future
Buys’s strategic view of the Afrikaners’ place in South Africa is based on a long-term vision that focuses on sustainability and independence. He believes that by focusing on education, economic development and cultural preservation, Afrikaners would not only secure their place in South Africa, but would also make a positive contribution to the wider society.
Overall, Flip Buys views the Afrikaner community as an entirely independent, organised and empowered group that is fully capable of determining its own destiny, while at the same time being part of the South African society at large.
Most Afrikaners feels sentiment towards South Africa and has hope for the future of the country.
The Solidarity Movement’s main components
The trade union Solidarity: The trade union forms the core of the Solidarity Movement. The trade union is one of the oldest trade unions in South Africa, and has its roots in the Mine Workers’ Union which was established 1902. The trade union focuses on defending labour rights, improving working conditions and supporting its members, mainly coming from the Afrikaans community.
AfriForum: This organisation is a civil rights organisation that functions under the banner of the Solidarity Movement. AfriForum focuses on the protection of minority rights, with specific attention being given to the Afrikaans community. This includes the promotion of Afrikaans education, the preservation of cultural heritage and legal action against discrimination and corruption.
Sol-Tech and Akademia: These are educational institutions founded by Solidarity to empower Afrikaners by offering technical and higher education in Afrikaans as medium of instruction. Sol-Tech focuses on technical and vocational training, while Akademia offers higher education, with both institutions functioning in an Afrikaans environment.
Solidarity Helping Hand: This philanthropic organisation within the Solidarity Movement focuses on poverty alleviation and community development. Solidarity Helping Hand’s projects include lending support to poor families, making scholarships available to indigent students and various other initiatives that are undertaken to support communities.
Why is international support important?
The international community’s support for Afrikaners in South Africa is about more than just protecting a single group; it is about promoting minority rights, preserving cultural diversity and contributing to the stability and progress of South Africa as a whole. By supporting Afrikaners, the international community supports a broader vision of a world where diversity is respected and cherished.
Preservation of cultural diversity
Afrikaners have a unique cultural identity that has developed over more than three centuries. Their language, Afrikaans, and their cultural practices, including traditions, music and literature, form an important part of South Africa’s diverse cultural tapestry. The international community, which values the preservation of cultural diversity, can play a role in supporting initiatives aimed at preserving and promoting this culture together with all other cultures.
AfriForum gives training to a tradional African community.
Human rights and minority protection
Like any minority group in a multicultural society, Afrikaners are at risk of discrimination and marginalisation. In the present-day South Africa, where policies such as affirmative action and land reform are controversial issues, there are instances where Afrikaners feel that their rights are threatened. International support can help ensure that the rights of Afrikaners are protected as a minority group, and that they have equal access to economic opportunities and basic services.
Education and economic development
Education is one of the pillars of any society’s progress. Afrikaners, like all other communities, strive to have access to quality mother tongue education. Institutions such as Sol-Tech and Akademia offer training and education in Afrikaans, contributing to the empowerment of the Afrikaner youth. International support can help these institutions to expand their capacity and to make quality education available to more people, ultimately promoting the economic development of the entire community.
Graduates of Akademia
Protection against economic marginalisation
In the current South African context, there is an ongoing debate about affirmative action and land reform, which are intended to correct historical injustices. Although these policies are well-intentioned, they harm South Africa as a whole and create opportunities for corruption. International support can help ensure that merit, and not skin colour, becomes the basis of economic growth.
Peace and stability in South Africa
The stability of any country depends on the harmony and cooperation that exist between its different population groups. By supporting Afrikaners in their efforts to build a sustainable and just future for themselves, the international community can contribute to the greater goal of peace and stability in South Africa. This includes support for dialogue and cooperation between the different cultural and ethnic groups in the country.
Conclusion: Afrikaners are here to make a difference
The following words are from a well-known folkloristic Afrikaans song: “Afrikaners is plesierig, dit kan julle glo.” (“Afrikaners are jolly, that you can believe …”) It simply feels right to answer the question “Who is the Afrikaner?” by concluding with these words.
Afrikaners are friendly, fun-loving people who work hard in their communities and want to build a better future for their children. They are not the oppressors of the past, and they strive not to be the oppressed of the future either. Afrikaners are people who do things themselves – they are builders of the future and a valuable cultural group in South Africa.
To conclude with the words of Danie Langner: “No one is blind to the mistakes of our Afrikaner cultural household. We see where the paint is peeling, we hear the floorboards creaking and we know the garden needs attention. No matter what the cultural house looks like today, it is your language and your culture, part of who you are. It is within the house that you are needed. Embrace your role as a steward, be proud of your people for who they are, and (be there) where you have to realise a difference to the future. Your home is where your heart is”.
A day of mass protest will be held in less than four weeks from now against the Basic Education Act (BELA) to send out the strongest message of resistance against the controversial articles in this Act.
Dozens of organisations representing the larger Afrikaans community accepted a resolution today during a BELA Action Summit in Pretoria to announce a day of protest against the BELA articles on language and admission policy.
Members of various Afrikaans organisations, institutions of the Solidarity Movement, members of school governing bodies, teachers, parents and advocates of mother tongue education from all communities are planning to hold a protest march in Pretoria on Tuesday 5 November to air their concern about BELA.
The decision to take protest action is among several resolutions that were accepted at the BELA Action Summit led by Solidarity, AfriForum and the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools (SCS).
Other steps that have been jointly decided upon, include:
– to proceed with court action if BELA is implemented in its current format;
– to ask the DA and FF+ to suspend their participation in the government of national unity if BELA is implemented in its current format;
– to protect Afrikaans schools and Afrikaans in schools with everything we have; and
– to promote mother tongue education in general.
Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, says these resolutions are an important moment in yet another battle of survival for Afrikaans.
Flip Buys, chairman of the Solidarity Movement
“This battle has been going on for two centuries. It has been exactly 200 years since Lord Charles Somerset’s directive that English would henceforth be the only language in the Cape Colony’s schools. Now we once again have a government that wants to anglicise Afrikaans schools to achieve political goals,” said Buys.
Leon Fourie, chief executive of the SCS, says representatives of around 50 stakeholder organisations and of more than 70 schools attended the Action Summit, and accepted the resolutions.
Leon Fourie, chief executive of the SCS
“The Act centralises power in the hands of the state and deprives communities of their right to have a say in schools. By limiting the powers of governing bodies, communities’ schools are exposed to a greater risk of political interference,” Fourie said.
Kallie Kriel, AfriForum’s chief executive, says that these resolutions that have been taken are critically necessary, given the serious implications of the legislation.
“Afrikaans schools play a key role in Afrikaans cultural communities, and for this reason, the attack on Afrikaans schools and children is an act of aggression that threatens the continued existence of our cultural communities. We will fight BELA’s anti-Afrikaans sections with everything we have,” Kriel said.
Kallie Kriel, chief executive of AfriForum
According to Dr Dirk Hermann, Solidarity’s chief executive, the decision to organise a protest march was not taken lightly.
“Like previous generations, we must stand up for Afrikaans education and the important cultural transmission that comes with it. We cannot allow that in a hundred years from now people will look back reproachfully, saying that the generation of 2024 had forsaken its descendants,” Hermann said.
Dirk Hermann, Kallie Kriel, chief executive of Solidarity
More information about the day of protest will be announced soon.
The Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube, was also present at the summit. She said during her speech that the solution to the differences regarding Bela lies in dialogue, cooperation and mutual respect.
She also repeated several times that she believes the differences regarding Bela are not insurmountable.
She also acknowledged that the autonomy of governing bodies over admission and language policies has always been a core pillar of basic education in South Africa.
The Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube
Organisations and political parties present during the signing of the resolutions included the Federation of Governing Bodies of South African Schools (FEDSAS), the South African Teachers Union (SAOU), the DA, FF+ and traditional leaders.
Click here for the resolutions taken at the BELA Action Summit .
South African parents draw a clear red line when it comes to their children. “It is my child, my language, my community, my school!” thousands of concerned parents declared as President Cyril Ramaphosa announced that he would sign the BELA (Basic Education Laws Amendment) Bill within 48 hours.
It is important to note that the South African school system is founded on public schools, rather than state-owned schools. These schools are partially funded by the government and offer education in languages, such as Afrikaans, English and other indigenous languages.
Public schools are funded in two ways. The majority of schools depend on the government for financial support, while others are supported by the community.
There is no denying that the government is failing the schools that depend solely on them for funding. Examples of how they fail these schools are, amongst other things, a lack of resources, overcrowded classrooms, and a lack of teachers. Sometimes learners even do not have desks to sit at in school. This contributes to and results in extremely poor performance among learners. The aforementioned does not even include major infrastructural problems experienced at these schools. For example, in 2024 several incidents had been reported where primary school learners had drowned in pit latrines because the schools do not have toilets.
The government seemingly encourages schools to function with the support of the community. At these community-supported schools, the school’s governing body decides on the school’s admission and language policies, and the values that are taught at the school. The governing body usually consists of parents and community members. The learners’ performance in these schools is usually high because the governing body and community values mother-tongue education which is embodied in the school’s language policies.
Single-medium Afrikaans schools are amongst these schools that show exceptional performance by learners. Many Afrikaans schools benefit from active parental and community involvement, which fosters a supportive learning environment. There is an emphasis on Afrikaans culture and heritage, creating a sense of belonging and motivation for students.
Instruction in Afrikaans allows students to develop strong language skills, which can enhance their overall academic performance. Most Afrikaans schools prioritise a rigorous academic curriculum, emphasising critical thinking and problem-solving skills. A strong sense of discipline and values is instilled, which contributes to a positive and disciplined school culture.
Some schools maintain lower student-teacher ratios, allowing for more individualised attention and support. A variety of extracurricular activities, including sports and arts, help develop well-rounded students.
With BELA, the government wishes to transform the 5% of these well-structured, community-supported schools to become part of the 80% dysfunctional government-supported schools.
The BELA Act might be the government of national unity’s (GNU) first test. It will affect the trust between the different political parties, but more importantly the trust of the Afrikaans community in the GNU to also protect the minorities’ needs.
What is the BELA Act?
BELA is simply an amendment to the South African Schools Act (SASA) (No. 84 of 1996) and the Educators Employment Act (No. 76 of 1998).
The purpose of the amendment is to bring equality to the school system and to change the wording to better suit the South Africa of 2024.
To be clear, the entire BELA is not malicious. Some laws surely need amendment to improve the school system and close the gaps to ensure that all children receive their right to education. However, the act in its totality is flawed. Here are some of the sections in BELA that are controversial (sourced from News24):
Making Grade R the new compulsory level to start school: The provision of Grade R is currently not part of the mandatory basic education mandate, and it is managed within the broader context of early childhood development as regulated by the Education White Paper 5 of 2021. Grade R would be expanded to 7 888 schools where it is not yet offered.
Criminalising parents who don’t ensure their children go to school: BELA addresses this matter by threatening parents with possible imprisonment. BELA also adds that anyone who prevents or intentionally disturbs school activities is guilty of violating the law and is punishable by a prison sentence of a maximum of 12 months.
Homeschooling: The amendment provides that the Head of the department may when considering an application, require a delegated official to conduct a pre-registration site visit. It also provides that the Minister of Basic Education may institute regulations relating to the registration and administration of home education. The Department said the amendment to homeschooling acknowledges the fact that some parents do not feel comfortable sending their children to public schools.
Language policy: This section seeks to amend section 6 of the SASA Act to provide for the governing body to submit the language policy of a public school and any amendment thereof to the Head of the Education Department for approval. The language policy must also consider the language needs of the broader community.
Sale of alcohol on school premises: This section deals with matters about the possession, consumption, or sale of liquor during any private function held on the school premises.
Religion: BELA stipulates that schools’ code of conduct be sensitive to cultural beliefs and religious observances. The code of conduct must also contain a section which allows pupils to request an exemption from complying with certain parts of the code of conduct.
Corporal punishment: BELA reaffirms that corporal punishment is no longer allowed at schools. It proposes that a person who carries out corporal punishment pay a fine or be sentenced to prison.
Concerns about the Language Policy in the Act
The Language Policy in the Act disempowers schools from choosing their language of instruction. Read between the lines, this section aims to exploit and target single-language and mother-tongue education schools to change their language policies.
Some Afrikaans schools in Pretoria have already been threatened by the provisions in this section should this section be implemented. Afrikaans schools are high-performing schools and achieve excellent results each year, mainly because of the quality of teaching received in learners’ mother tongue.
Changing these schools’ main language of instruction to English puts the learners at a disadvantage and denies them the opportunity to learn and perform in their mother tongue. Afrikaans schools are also at the centre of the Afrikaans culture where teachers can freely teach and realise the values of the community.
The mother tongue argument is not just about Afrikaans or language in general; it is about protecting traditional and cultural language communities throughout South Africa. The government does not value mother tongue education and disregards it.
“We regard the signing of this Bill into an Act as an act of aggression towards and a breach of the relationship of trust with the Afrikaans community. The signing undermines the spirit of unity of the national government,” said Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity at the time of the signing of the Bill.
Various institutions associated with the Solidarity Movement and other stakeholders put considerable pressure on the President to refrain from signing the Bill. As a result, the President has chosen to postpone the enactment of the sections dealing with language policy and school admission in the Act pending further negotiation. In the meantime, institutions like Solidarity and AfriForum are preparing for legal action, mass protests and negotiations with key role players.
Implications of these sections of the Act are to be implemented
According to the section on Language Policy, a public school should adjust the language to serve the broader public represented in an area. If this is the criteria, there is no region where Afrikaans or any other language will outweigh the English-speaking community in numbers.
This will mean the end of all single-medium public schools and mother-tongue education. This also has an enormous impact on the job stability of educators.
Should parents wish to teach their children in Afrikaans or a different language, they would have to pay expensive amounts to send their children to private schools, which few parents can afford.
The new provision of homeschooling in the Act will also make it difficult for parents and educators to decide upon the curriculum they wish to follow.
What is the way forward?
Before a Bill or an Act is signed in South Africa, the public has the opportunity to submit written comments or feedback that should be considered in the law-making process. In the case of the BELA Bill, the analysis of the Portfolio Committee on Basic Education of the public comments received showed that only 1,4% were positive towards the Bill. Thus, the President signed a Bill that suits only 1,4% of the public.
The Minister of Basic Education boycotted the signing ceremony of the Bill to show her opposition to the Bill. The government can expect mass resistance and protests from inside and outside the GNU until a final decision future announcement is made.
The outcome of the differences on BELA will be the first real test for the GNU. Should President Cyril Ramaphosa enact all the sections of the Bill, the Solidarity Movement will continue its battle against it in court. There is still hope regardless of the outcome of the current process.
The Afrikaans community has shown its power and resilience in standing together and supporting each other through its application of self-governance. Plans to open a private Afrikaans primary school in Pretoria are already being put into action. In 2028 the new campus of Akademia, an Afrikaans tertiary education institution, will also open its doors. No Act or signature can keep us from speaking our language and realising our culture freely in the country of our birth.
The Solidary Movement’s focus is to fight for a space where Afrikaners can live freely, safely and prosperously at the southernmost tip of Africa.
Die Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) is reeds in 1929 gestig. Vandag is die FAK steeds dié organisasie wat jou toelaat om kreatief te wees in jou taal en kultuur. Die FAK is ’n toekomsgerigte kultuurorganisasie wat ’n tuiste vir die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur bied en die trotse Afrikanergeskiedenis positief bevorder.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand fokus op maatskaplike welstand en dié organisasie se groter visie is om oplossings vir die hantering van Afrikanerarmoede te vind.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand se roeping is om armoede deur middel van gemeenskapsontwikkeling op te los. Solidariteit Helpende Hand glo dat mense ʼn verantwoordelikheid teenoor mekaar en teenoor die gemeenskap het.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand is geskoei op die idees van die Afrikaner-Helpmekaarbeweging van 1949 met ʼn besondere fokus op “help”, “saam” en “ons.”
AfriForumTV is ʼn digitale platform wat aanlyn en gratis is en visuele inhoud aan lede en nielede bied. Intekenaars kan verskeie kanale in die gemak van hul eie huis op hul televisiestel, rekenaar of selfoon verken deur van die AfriForumTV-app gebruik te maak. AfriForumTV is nóg ʼn kommunikasiestrategie om die publiek bewus te maak van AfriForum se nuus en gebeure, maar ook om vermaak deur films en fiksie- en realiteitsreekse te bied. Hierdie inhoud gaan verskaf word deur AfriForumTV self, instellings binne die Solidariteit Beweging en eksterne inhoudverskaffers.
AfriForum Uitgewers (voorheen bekend as Kraal Uitgewers) is die trotse uitgewershuis van die Solidariteit Beweging en is die tuiste van Afrikaanse niefiksie-, Afrikanergeskiedenis- én prima Afrikaanse produkte. Dié uitgewer het onlangs sy fokus verskuif en gaan voortaan slegs interne publikasies van die Solidariteit Beweging publiseer.
AfriForum Jeug is die amptelike jeugafdeling van AfriForum, die burgerregte-inisiatief wat deel van die Solidariteit Beweging vorm. AfriForum Jeug berus op Christelike beginsels en ons doel is om selfstandigheid onder jong Afrikaners te bevorder en die realiteite in Suid-Afrika te beïnvloed deur veldtogte aan te pak en aktief vir jongmense se burgerregte standpunt in te neem.
De Goede Hoop is ʼn moderne, privaat Afrikaanse studentekoshuis met hoë standaarde. Dit is in Pretoria geleë.
De Goede Hoop bied ʼn tuiste vir dinamiese studente met Christelike waardes en ʼn passie vir Afrikaans; ʼn tuiste waar jy as jongmens in gesonde studentetradisies kan deel en jou studentwees met selfvertroue in Afrikaans kan uitleef.
DIE HELPENDE HAND STUDIETRUST (HHST) is ʼn inisiatief van Solidariteit Helpende Hand en is ʼn geregistreerde openbare weldaadsorganisasie wat behoeftige Afrikaanse studente se studie moontlik maak deur middel van rentevrye studielenings.
Die HHST administreer tans meer as 200 onafhanklike studiefondse namens verskeie donateurs en het reeds meer as 6 300 behoeftige studente se studie moontlik gemaak met ʼn totaal van R238 miljoen se studiehulp wat verleen is.
Solidariteit se sentrum vir voortgesette leer is ʼn opleidingsinstelling wat voortgesette professionele ontwikkeling vir professionele persone aanbied. S-leer het ten doel om werkendes met die bereiking van hul loopbaandoelwitte by te staan deur die aanbieding van seminare, kortkursusse, gespreksgeleenthede en e-leer waarin relevante temas aangebied en bespreek word.
Solidariteit Jeug berei jongmense voor vir die arbeidsmark, staan op vir hul belange en skakel hulle in by die Netwerk van Werk. Solidariteit Jeug is ʼn instrument om jongmense te help met loopbaankeuses en is ʼn tuiskomplek vir jongmense.
Solidariteit Regsfonds
ʼn Fonds om die onregmatige toepassing van regstellende aksie teen te staan.
Solidariteit Boufonds
ʼn Fonds wat spesifiek ten doel het om Solidariteit se opleidingsinstellings te bou.
SFD is ʼn gemagtigde finansiëledienstemaatskappy wat deel is van die Solidariteit Beweging. Die instelling se visie is om die toekomstige finansiële welstand, finansiële sekerheid en volhoubaarheid van Afrikaanse individue en ondernemings te bevorder. SFD doen dit deur middel van mededingende finansiële dienste en produkte, in Afrikaans en met uitnemende diens vir ʼn groter doel aan te bied.
Die Gemeenskapstrukture-afdeling bestaan tans uit twee mediese ondersteuningsprojekte en drie gemeenskapsentrums, naamlik Ons Plek in die Strand, Derdepoort en Volksrust. Die drie gemeenskapsentrums is gestig om veilige kleuter- en/of naskoolversorging in die onderskeie gemeenskappe beskikbaar te stel. Tans akkommodeer die gemeenskapsentrums altesaam 158 kinders in die onderskeie naskoolsentrums, terwyl Ons Plek in die Strand 9 kleuters en Ons Plek in Volksrust 16 kleuters in die kleuterskool het.
Die Solidariteit Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS) se visie is om die toekoms van Christelike, Afrikaanse onderwys te (help) verseker deur gehalte onderrig wat reeds bestaan in stand te (help) hou, én waar nodig nuut te (help) bou.
Die SOS se doel is om elke skool in ons land waar onderrig in Afrikaans aangebied word, by te staan om in die toekoms steeds onderrig van wêreldgehalte te bly bied en wat tred hou met die nuutste navorsing en internasionale beste praktyke.
Sol-Tech is ʼn geakkrediteerde, privaat beroepsopleidingskollege wat op Christelike waardes gefundeer is en Afrikaans as onderrigmedium gebruik.
Sol-Tech fokus op beroepsopleiding wat tot die verwerwing van nasionaal erkende, bruikbare kwalifikasies lei. Sol-Tech het dus ten doel om jongmense se toekomsdrome met betrekking tot loopbaanontwikkeling deur doelspesifieke opleiding te verwesenlik.
Akademia is ’n Christelike hoëronderwysinstelling wat op ’n oop, onbevange en kritiese wyse ’n leidinggewende rol binne die hedendaagse universiteitswese speel.
Akademia streef daarna om ʼn akademiese tuiste te bied waar sowel die denke as die hart gevorm word met die oog op ʼn betekenisvolle en vrye toekoms.
AfriForum Uitgewers (previously known as Kraal Uitgewers) is the proud publishing house of the Solidarity Movement and is the home of Afrikaans non-fiction, products related to the Afrikaner’s history, as well as other prime Afrikaans products. The publisher recently shifted its focus and will only publish internal publications of the Solidarity Movement from now on.
Maroela Media is ʼn Afrikaanse internetkuierplek waar jy alles kan lees oor dit wat in jou wêreld saak maak – of jy nou in Suid-Afrika bly of iewers anders woon en deel van die Afrikaanse Maroela-gemeenskap wil wees. Maroela Media se Christelike karakter vorm die kern van sy redaksionele beleid.
Kanton Beleggingsmaatskappy
Kanton is ʼn beleggingsmaatskappy vir eiendom wat deur die Solidariteit Beweging gestig is. Die eiendomme van die Solidariteit Beweging dien as basis van die portefeulje wat verder deur ontwikkeling uitgebrei sal word.
Kanton is ʼn vennootskap tussen kultuur en kapitaal en fokus daarop om volhoubare eiendomsoplossings aan instellings in die Afrikaanse gemeenskap teen ʼn goeie opbrengs te voorsien sodat hulle hul doelwitte kan bereik.
Wolkskool is ʼn produk van die Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS), ʼn niewinsgewende organisasie met ʼn span onderwyskundiges wat ten doel het om gehalte- Afrikaanse onderrig te help verseker. Wolkskool bied ʼn platform waar leerders 24-uur toegang tot video-lesse, vraestelle, werkkaarte met memorandums en aanlyn assessering kan kry.
Die Begrond Instituut is ʼn Christelike navorsingsinstituut wat die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur gemeenskap bystaan om Bybelse antwoorde op belangrike lewensvrae te kry.
Ons Winkels is Solidariteit Helpende Hand se skenkingswinkels. Daar is bykans 120 winkels landwyd waar lede van die publiek skenkings van tweedehandse goedere – meubels, kombuisware, linne en klere – kan maak. Die winkels ontvang die skenkings en verkoop goeie kwaliteit items teen bekostigbare pryse aan die publiek.
AfriForum is ʼn burgerregte-organisasie wat Afrikaners, Afrikaanssprekende mense en ander minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika mobiliseer en hul regte beskerm.
AfriForum is ʼn nieregeringsorganisasie wat as ʼn niewinsgewende onderneming geregistreer is met die doel om minderhede se regte te beskerm. Terwyl die organisasie volgens die internasionaal erkende beginsel van minderheidsbeskerming funksioneer, fokus AfriForum spesifiek op die regte van Afrikaners as ʼn gemeenskap wat aan die suidpunt van die vasteland woon. Lidmaatskap is nie eksklusief nie en enige persoon wat hom of haar met die inhoud van die organisasies se Burgerregte-manifes vereenselwig, kan by AfriForum aansluit.
