Serious consequences for ordinary South Africans if US downsizes its embassy and closes consulates 

Source: Solidarity

Even more extensive economic and diplomatic damage, further job losses, an exodus of investors and obstacles being experienced with the issuing of essential trade permits and travel visas – all of this Solidarity believes to count among the possible consequences the downsizing of the US embassy in Pretoria, as well as the possible closure of the US consulate in Johannesburg could have for South Africans.

These realities loom as a result of the South African government’s disintegrating relationship with the United States of America. This diplomatic crisis could result in a dramatic scaling down of the extent of the American diplomatic mission in South Africa.

A dispute over South Africa’s official policy positions triggered a diplomatic crisis between the countries, and this is currently being exacerbated by the Johannesburg Metro Council’s bid to rename the street in which the US consulate is located in Sandton after a Palestinian freedom fighter.
There is a risk that the US may want to close its Johannesburg consulate, while the remaining consulates in Cape Town and Durban could also be in question.

Solidarity believes a further diplomatic miscalculation, as would be the case with the street name change currently being considered by the Metro Council, will further damage an already fragile relationship.
According to the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), the closure of the Johannesburg consulate alone would be a significant blow, as Johannesburg is South Africa’s economic capital and is also home to several US and multinational companies in the country.

The SRI believes the closure will, among other things:
•    Complicate the process for South African travellers seeking to obtain visas;
•    Obstruct the process South African businesspersons have to follow to obtain visas and for businesses needing essential trade permits and documentation;
•    Harm investor confidence as the closure is a sign of a further disintegration of diplomatic relations;
•    Cause job losses for South Africans as major US companies may terminate or reconsider their presence in South Africa;
•    Cause hotels, restaurants and service providers that depend on consular visitors to lose income, leading to further job losses; and
•    Limit US contributions made through the consulate towards valuable intelligence on transnational crime, money laundering and terrorism, reducing South Africa’s resistance to organised crime.

According to Jaco Kleynhans, head of public liaison at Solidarity, far more serious consequences than the closure of a consulate may follow if radical government officials persist in an ideological struggle against the US.
“It is in no South African’s interest to be exposed to the risk of further economic decline and international isolation for the sake of ANC policies and agendas.
“This is what the downsizing of the US mission and the closure of a consulate would bring about.
“Also keep in mind that American companies, many of which have offices in Johannesburg, some of them located close to the consulate in Sandton, employ thousands of South Africans. Moreover, they contribute billions of rand in taxes to the Treasury.
“Unfortunately, it seems that our government is going to persist with its anti-Western narrative and is therefore comfortable with ordinary South Africans being punished for the government’s sins,” Kleynhans cautioned.

South Africa’s relationship with the Trump administration is currently experiencing an unprecedented low.
The relationship has suffered further setbacks in recent weeks due to the offensive statements made towards the US by the former South African ambassador to Washington, Ebrahim Rasool, and insults from ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula.
The US has also taken note of the Ramaphosa government’s silence on the EFF Party’s singing of the struggle song “Kill the Boer” on Human Rights Day.

Ten historical reasons to stay in South Africa

Flip Buys

Source: Maroela Media

United States President Donald Trump caused a stir this month with his executive order, which among other things, allows Afrikaners who are prejudiced by racial laws or expropriation without compensation to seek refuge in America.

The fact that the ANC is throwing everything but the kitchen sink in its attempt to govern alone instead of through a government of national unity has now completely alienated the new government in Washington. This is why the Solidarity Movement will now accept the hand of friendship extended by the Americans and offer practical suggestions on how Afrikaners can be helped to live sustainably in Africa, so that we can make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people.

We cannot allow a corrupt, incompetent and racist government to drive us out of the country. That is not who we are. We are determined, in the words of Afrikaans writer and scholar NP van Wyk Louw, to carry the treasure of our language and culture safely through the crowd. After all, we did not cross the oceans, survive through centuries, venture into the unknown, stand up to great powers on the battlefield and produce world-class achievements because we are made of jelly.

Here are 10 historical reasons why we will stay and why we will do things ourselves.

 

We became Afrikaners in Africa

The first Buys in South Africa was a German soldier who sailed from Amsterdam on the Risdam in 1714 to work for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Like most other Afrikaner families, the Buys family has therefore been in Africa for more than three centuries. We did not come to Africa as Afrikaners. We became Afrikaners here, long before the birth of South Africa as a country. Our language and culture are indigenous to Africa, and nowhere else. We named ourselves, our language and many of our institutions after Africa.

Afrikaners are a self-defined cultural community – a people – and not simply a language group or a racial grouping. Through Afrikaans, we also have a linguistic bond with coloured South Africans, as Afrikaans is one language with many cultures. We come from a Christian Western tradition, and most of us trust in God’s promises of hope for the future.

 

We are Westerners in and from Africa

NP van Wyk Louw put it strikingly: “In every generation, the task is to keep both our heritages – European and African – close to the heart; to be in Africa, knowing that we are from the old West; to be Western, without disregarding a single difference from Africa” (author’s own translation).

Van Wyk Louw also spoke so beautifully about Afrikaans: “Afrikaans can remain vital only as long as it remains the carrier of our full destiny, of our knowledge-to-both-sides; as long as it continues to think concretely and abstractly; as long as Europe and Africa live in it; Africa indeed, yet also always Europe.”

He saw Afrikaans as the language that connects Western Europe and Africa: “It forms a bridge between the great bright West and the magical Africa, and what great things can arise from their union – this is perhaps what lies ahead for Afrikaans to be discovered.”

The People’s Poet Totius expressed it just as beautifully: “A fine mystical bond of union connects Orange, the Netherlands and Africa throughout everything. No matter how far the waves wash us, the deep heart will always feel – we are secretly one.”

 

Rather barefoot over the mountains …

After the British had annexed Natal and the Boer Republic of Vryheid in 1843, the Voortrekkers moved again. In the famous words of Johanna Smit to the British representative: “We would rather walk barefoot over the Drakensberg than suffer under British rule any longer.”

The pursuit of freedom as the driving force behind the Great Trek was articulated by Great Trek leaders such as Andries Pretorius, who stated that they left their birthplace not in revolt but in pursuit of freedom. The Dutch thinker Bob Goudzwaard, after studying the history of the Afrikaners, argued that their story was a struggle for survival more than for domination. I find it inconceivable that the sacrifices of our ancestors would be in vain if we were to turn our back on our history.

Collaboration with other communities

It is true that there were many battles and conflicts with indigenous black tribes. However, this is not the full story; there were also numerous peace agreements and instances of collaboration with black groups.

A good description of this is found in the Voortrekker leader Hendrik Potgieter’s report of 3 December 1838 sent to the Governor of the Cape after the Great Trek: “First, we encountered Captain Danser and concluded a peace treaty with him; secondly, King Maroka, with whom we also concluded a peace treaty; thirdly, Captain Pieter Davieds, with whom we likewise concluded a peace treaty; fourthly, King Sikonyela, with whom we also concluded a peace treaty; fifthly Captain Makwana, with whom we also concluded a peace treaty” (a free translation of the original Dutch text).

 

Churchill on Boer fighters

The most striking description of the Boer fighters was given by the famous statesman Winston Churchill, who came to fight against us as a journalist.

What men they were, these Boers! I thought of them as I had seen them in the morning riding forward through the rain – thousands of independent riflemen, thinking for themselves, possessed of beautiful weapons, led with skill, living as they rode without commissariat or transport or ammunition column, moving like the wind, and supported by iron constitutions and a stern, hard Old Testament God who should surely smite the Amalekites hip and thigh.

 

Defeated and dejected

The British scorched earth policy and the concentration camps were devastating. My one grandfather and one grandmother were child survivors of the camps, while my other great-grandfather was imprisoned, and his house was arsoned after he had smuggled horses for the Free State Boers as a colonial subject. Prof. David Welsh described the condition of Afrikaners after the Anglo-Boer War as follows:

After 1902 the Afrikaners of the defeated Trekker republics displayed many of the symptoms of a conquered people: impoverished, defeated, despairing, low in morale, and with a powerfully internalised inferiority complex. They were facing the possible obliteration of their identity by the overwhelming power of their conqueror’s institutions and culture.

The recovery after the war was extremely difficult, and historian Dan O’Meara could have been describing my mineworker grandfather when he outlined their struggle until 1948:

The structure of South African capitalism offered few opportunities to those whose home language was Afrikaans. Its language was English, and Afrikaans-speakers were powerfully discriminated against. Promotion and advancement required both proficiency in a foreign language – that of a conqueror – and virtual total acceptance of the structure and values dominant in the economy.

 

A fiery Cold War

The Cold War was raging in South Africa, with the ANC squarely in the Communist camp. This put the South African Defence Force in direct conflict with the former Soviet Union and Red China that had armed and supported the liberation movements in Southern Africa.

The Cold War froze whatever political manoeuvring space there had been, and the South African Defence Force and South African Police were tasked with preventing a violent revolutionary takeover until the collapse of the Eastern Bloc made negotiations possible. Western powers, particularly the immense pressure from the USA on the NP government, played a major role in the eventual constitutional settlement.

 

Africa after independence

Understandably, Afrikaners were also very sceptical about the prospects of a successful democracy in South Africa, given the outcomes that Western models had led to in Africa. Martin Meredith sums it up aptly in his book The Fortunes of Africa:

The succession of coups in Africa swept on so rapidly that many episodes passed by in little more than a blur. In the first two decades of independence, there were some forty successful coups and countless attempted coups. Not once was there an occasion when an African government was peacefully voted out of office.

 

A movement founded

The origins of the Solidarity Movement can be traced back to the 1998 congress of the then Mine Workers’ Union, where the trade union’s national council accepted my proposal to transform the MWU into a modern self-help movement.

The reason for this was twofold: we did not believe that the ANC could successfully govern the country, and we believed that they would create a new racial dispensation that would effectively turn Afrikaners into second-class citizens.

The aim of the Movement was to build the cultural infrastructure that Afrikaners would need to remain sustainably free, safe and prosperous in southern Africa. In so doing, Afrikaners would at the same time be able to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people. Our assumption at the time – that we would initially be denounced as radicals but would gradually gain more support as the outcomes of ANC policy became visible – has been realised in practice.

In the 1990s, the country had to change to prevent a terrible end. The task of our movement now is to help prevent an endless horror.

 

Foreign support

For years after 1994, it was impossible to gain support for Afrikaners’ legitimate aspirations for cultural autonomy because the ANC had taken the moral high ground, and the consequences of their policies were not yet clear to the outside world.

The ANC’s rotten track record of governance, leading to widespread state failure, along with the ongoing centralisation of power and the accompanying curtailment of freedoms, gave new meaning to Prof. Welsh’s warning about a “tyranny of the majority”.

Welsh stated:

Simple majority rule … can easily – and commonly does – degenerate into a “tyranny of the majority” when elections assume the form of a racial census. Undeniably, majorities have rights, but so do minorities. If […] majorities use their power to steamroller minorities, denying them influence even in decisions that affect their vital interests, the quality of democracy will deteriorate.

Moreover, the comparative evidence from divided societies does not offer much support for the view that the salience of ethnic or racial identities will eventually give way to voting alignments that are shaped more by, say, class, interests or ideology. Democratic constitutional forms have been maintained, but a single-party dominant system become entrenched.

Diplomatic differences between the USA and SA run deeper than a ‘misunderstanding’

A delegation of the Solidarity Movement, AfriForum and Solidarity today met with senior representatives of the Trump administration at the White House in Washington DC.

This delegation is currently meeting with senior government officials in the USA, and will, among other things ask that pressure be intensified on ANC leaders for policy change rather than suspending South Africa’s participation in AGOA.

The Solidarity Movement’s delegation to the White House was led by the chairperson of the Solidarity Movement Flip Buys, and included Kallie Kriel, AfriForum chief executive, Dr Dirk Hermann, Solidarity chief executive and Jaco Kleynhans, head of international liaison at the Solidarity Movement.

According to Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, the South African government’s lack of urgency to restore diplomatic relations with the USA is creating a growing crisis for South Africa.
Buys pointed out that the jobs of more than half a million workers with about 2 million dependents depend directly on South Africa’s participation in AGOA, and for this reason the Solidarity Movement feels so strongly that the US should not kick the country out of AGOA in September.

A research report on the importance of AGOA for ordinary South Africans was handed to senior government officials in Washington. The Movement also requested that humanitarian aid to South Africa, such as the PEPFAR programme not be stopped as this could harm vulnerable people in South Africa.

For this reason, we urge the US not to punish South Africa as a country if it has diplomatic differences with the SA government but to rather pressure ANC leaders to right what is wrong. We cannot allow it that ordinary South Africans suffer even more as a result of the mistakes of the ANC.

The Solidarity Movement’s task to act on behalf of ordinary South Africans is greatly impeded by the South African government’s persistent view that the diplomatic dispute is simply due to misunderstandings, and that they do not plan any policy changes despite the multiple crises the ANC-led government policies have landed the country in.

Our feedback from senior US government leaders is that the diplomatic disputes with South Africa have profound causes and are far more profound than being just a communication gap or “disinformation” as the SA government is claiming it to be.

The delegation of the Solidarity Movement also expressed its serious concerns about the consequences of the new Expropriation Act, racial laws, calls for violence against Afrikaners and attacks on Afrikaans schools such as the passing of the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act (BELA).

The delegation also pointed out that they recognise and respect South Africa’s sovereignty, but that the government cannot hide behind it when the human rights of a minority group are being disregarded or threatened by laws such as the BELA education legislation, the discriminatory racial dispensation or the Expropriation Act.

It is necessary that these matters be raised abroad because the government has shown by the BELA talks, its continued refusal to amend racial laws, and the signing of the Expropriation Act without consulting its GNU partners that they have shut the door to talks in good faith in South Africa.

The memorandum that was handed to the Trump administration is attached hereto.

(Left to right) Jaco Kleynhans, Flip Buys, Dirk Hermann, Kallie Kriel
(Left to right) Jaco Kleynhans, Flip Buys, Dirk Hermann, Kallie Kriel

Why South-Africans have an interest in American politics

Two assassination attempts, Biden’s Covid-19 diagnosis, a sudden change in the Democratic Party’s presidential candidate, numerous newsworthy debates, two huge hurricanes and a McDonald’s visit later, and we are finally on the eve of the American presidential election.

South Africans have been closely watching this roller coaster of events from the very beginning. Some South Africans are even more familiar with American politics than they are with our own politics. However, this interest is not a strange phenomenon, nor is it an unnecessary one.

Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison, explains that America is still the world’s most powerful superpower, and it will remain as such for a few years to come. Therefore, South Africa has a major interest in being aware of the influence this superpower can have on our economy.

“Economically, South Africa depends strongly on trade with the USA and on investments from this country. What happens in America affects us all because it affects our exchange rate, as well as commodity prices, trade relations and global political and economic variables,” Kleynhans explained.

Kleynhans is a political expert with a particular interest in international politics. Part of his duties is to inform Afrikaners about the latest political events in the world and the influence of such events on South Africa. He does weekly talks on Afrikaans radio stations, writes articles for the Afrikaans media, and has his own podcast Wêreldwys (World Wise) where he explains complex politics in an understandable way to the public.

However, American politics is one of Kleynhans’s particular preferences. At one stage, he was himself involved in an election campaign for George W. Bush. Kleynhans will be in the USA from 5 November to report on developments in the election to South Africans. After the election, he will undertake a three-week tour of the USA, visiting Michigan, Wisconsin and Texas, among others, to discuss the Solidarity Movement’s cause with those interested in it.

“We engage with both Republicans and Democrats and have no motive to take sides. I will be meeting with members of both parties across the US, and in particular in Washington DC over the next three weeks. There are many Republicans and Democrats in the United States Congress who are interested in what happens in South Africa, and with whom we have already established a good rapport.”

For some years now the Solidarity Movement has been canvassing international support for South Africa and for Afrikaners. Jaco is one of the main players in this regard.

“For the past two years, I have been working on fostering ties with legislators in various states. We are about to draft important resolutions for consideration in some of the states’ legislatures. This may have far-reaching consequences.

Moreover, we have very sound contacts in in the Congress in Washington DC and with organisations that influence political policy. In my discussions with dozens of influential persons I will deal with various issues such as the Government of National Unity (GNU), AGOA, the position of minorities in South Africa, the BELA Act, the planned NHI, crime, BRICS, the ANC’s ties with Russia, China and Iran, while I will also focus on the work of the Solidarity Movement as well.”

Who does Kleynhans think will win the election, and what would the consequences be of such a result for South Africa?

If he has to take his best educated guess, Kleynhans believes Trump stands a good chance to win, but it will depend on who will be voting.

“Economically, a Trump victory can bring great opportunities and risk. The main opportunities are in trade as Trump is planning strong action against China. This will create new opportunities for South Africa to export even more products to the USA”.

Afrikaners have organised a massive march against the BELA Act (read more about it here) on the same day the American presidential election is taking place. For Afrikaners, to hold a protest march is a rare cultural phenomenon, and this day will certainly have a historical impact. Despite our own political turmoil and upheaval, America can know for sure that South Africans will still watch the American election with a hawk’s eye.

Jaco Kleynhans
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison

The America South Africa would like to see

Theuns du Buisson

Source: Maroela Media

During the latter part of every year numerous organisations issue their lists of global risks for the next year. Major companies use these lists to do their planning to ensure that they are hedged against those risks.

In addition to all the usual matters, natural disasters, political uncertainty and so on, there is a new one this year: “Trump’s protectionism” which, according to the World Economic Forum (WEF), poses a significant risk to the global economy. I have never really been bothered by the WEF’s talk about how the globe would go up in flames at any moment if we do not trade beef for bugs. Unfortunately, however, many influential people take the WEF’s talk seriously.

 

Protectionism

This outdated policy is widely regarded as a major obstacle to economic growth, and rightfully so. It involves imposing duties to keep importes out of a country, thereby promoting the local industry. For example, South Africa imposes duties on steel and chicken meat imports. The end result is that steel and chicken are very expensive without us having a significant chicken industry, while the local steel sector still remains under constant pressure.

In short, protectionism is based on the fallacy that in trade there are winners and losers. The reality is that in proper trade everyone is a winner.

However, duties are also imposed for other reasons. For example, if a country uses slave labour, duties can be imposed to punish the exporter without, however, stopping the purchase of those products. The only ones actually punished are the consumers of these products because they have to pay more for the product while still having to soothe their conscience about using the products of slavery. Then there are other considerations too, such as the enormous duties imposed on CCTV equipment from China which, according to numerous experts, is used to spy on the entire world. The best-known duties are anti-dumping duties which are introduced to prevent another country from dumping their cheap, often inferior products in a country, destroying the local industry, and then it continues to export products at normal prices and volumes without the burden of a competitive market.

Regardless of the reasons, it is an accepted truth that any trade restrictions, be they quotas, duties or whatever else, are bad for the global economy. It is estimated that the global economy could double if all countries were allowed to export their specialist products without duties or other barriers.

How dangerous is it for South Africa?

Just as almost everyone accepts that trade restrictions and tariffs are bad, everyone also accepts that whatever is best for America is also best for the world. When America is doing well, the world is doing well. When these two general truths are at odds with each other it muddies the waters.

New duties and other trade restrictions make products and services more expensive for Americans, but they also create job opportunities and a more localised economy in America. Along with localisation come others risks that could be to the USA’s disadvantage in the long run. But then there are also numerous advantages. By moving factories back to the USA, major capital investments are made and even if many of the risks do play out it would be most unlikely that these investments would be undone by moving plants abroad again.

The main advantage of such a policy is that the USA will pursue energy independence. They produce their own oil, and with Trump’s proposed policy in place, it would be enough for their own needs and even for exports. This means that the rest of the world’s demand for oil falls, with the result that everyone, not just America, pays less for energy. Thus, everyone wins here and in today’s energy-intensive world, this is not to be laughed off.

Where South Africa, and everyone else are, however, directly affected is when it comes to exports to the USA. Here too, South Africa need not be too concerned. Most of our exports are raw materials and chemicals which are rarely, if ever, subject to duties. And even if that should happen, South Africa enjoys duty-free status under AGOA in respect of these products. The automative industry, which is directly in Trump’s sights, also enjoys this advantage. Our local industries will therefore enjoy a very strong competitive advantage. Unless AGOA comes to an end, or these local industries perish, we have little to be concerned about.

 

Is it really a risk then?

Any policy that suppresses economic growth or one that concentrates growth in one place only based on man-made circumstances is bad. Obviously, this is also a risk. However, for South Africa the biggest risk would rather be that our government continues to act in a hostile manner towards the West and that we are kicked out of AGOA as a consequence. In those circumstances, a more protectionist policy in America would only have disadvantages for us without any significant advantages coming our way.

Of course, all of this would only apply if Trump should move back into the White House. The alternative is another four years of poor growth and large-scale waste by the American government. And that is not good for anyone.

Theuns du Buisson is an economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute
Theuns du Buisson is an economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute

 

Inleiding
Hoofstuk 1
Hoofstuk 2
Hoofstuk 3
Hoofstuk 5
Hoofstuk 7
Hoofstuk 8
Hoofstuk 12
Hoofstuk 15
Hoofstuk 16
Hoofstuk 17
Hoofstuk 19
Hoofstuk 20
Hoofstuk 21
Hoofstuk 22
Hoofstuk 23
Hoofstuk 25
Hoofstuk 27
Hoofstuk 28
Hoofstuk 31
Hoofstuk 32
Hoofstuk 34
Slot

Geskiedenisfonds

ʼn Fonds wat help om die Afrikanergeskiedenis te bevorder.

FAK

Die Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) is reeds in 1929 gestig. Vandag is die FAK steeds dié organisasie wat jou toelaat om kreatief te wees in jou taal en kultuur. Die FAK is ’n toekomsgerigte kultuurorganisasie wat ’n tuiste vir die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur bied en die trotse Afrikanergeskiedenis positief bevorder.

Solidariteit Helpende Hand

Solidariteit Helpende Hand fokus op maatskaplike welstand en dié organisasie se groter visie is om oplossings vir die hantering van Afrikanerarmoede te vind.

Solidariteit Helpende Hand se roeping is om armoede deur middel van gemeenskapsontwikkeling op te los. Solidariteit Helpende Hand glo dat mense ʼn verantwoordelikheid teenoor mekaar en teenoor die gemeenskap het.

Solidariteit Helpende Hand is geskoei op die idees van die Afrikaner-Helpmekaarbeweging van 1949 met ʼn besondere fokus op “help”, “saam” en “ons.”

Forum Sekuriteit

Forum Sekuriteit is in die lewe geroep om toonaangewende, dinamiese en doeltreffende privaat sekuriteitsdienste in

Suid-Afrika te voorsien en op dié wyse veiligheid in gemeenskappe te verhoog.

AfriForumTV

AfriForumTV is ʼn digitale platform wat aanlyn en gratis is en visuele inhoud aan lede en nielede bied. Intekenaars kan verskeie kanale in die gemak van hul eie huis op hul televisiestel, rekenaar of selfoon verken deur van die AfriForumTV-app gebruik te maak. AfriForumTV is nóg ʼn kommunikasiestrategie om die publiek bewus te maak van AfriForum se nuus en gebeure, maar ook om vermaak deur films en fiksie- en realiteitsreekse te bied. Hierdie inhoud gaan verskaf word deur AfriForumTV self, instellings binne die Solidariteit Beweging en eksterne inhoudverskaffers.

AfriForum Uitgewers

AfriForum Uitgewers (voorheen bekend as Kraal Uitgewers) is die trotse uitgewershuis van die Solidariteit Beweging en is die tuiste van Afrikaanse niefiksie-, Afrikanergeskiedenis- én prima Afrikaanse produkte. Dié uitgewer het onlangs sy fokus verskuif en gaan voortaan slegs interne publikasies van die Solidariteit Beweging publiseer.

AfriForum Jeug

AfriForum Jeug is die amptelike jeugafdeling van AfriForum, die burgerregte-inisiatief wat deel van die Solidariteit Beweging vorm. AfriForum Jeug berus op Christelike beginsels en ons doel is om selfstandigheid onder jong Afrikaners te bevorder en die realiteite in Suid-Afrika te beïnvloed deur veldtogte aan te pak en aktief vir jongmense se burgerregte standpunt in te neem.

De Goede Hoop-koshuis

De Goede Hoop is ʼn moderne, privaat Afrikaanse studentekoshuis met hoë standaarde. Dit is in Pretoria geleë.

De Goede Hoop bied ʼn tuiste vir dinamiese studente met Christelike waardes en ʼn passie vir Afrikaans; ʼn tuiste waar jy as jongmens in gesonde studentetradisies kan deel en jou studentwees met selfvertroue in Afrikaans kan uitleef.

Studiefondssentrum

DIE HELPENDE HAND STUDIETRUST (HHST) is ʼn inisiatief van Solidariteit Helpende Hand en is ʼn geregistreerde openbare weldaadsorganisasie wat behoeftige Afrikaanse studente se studie moontlik maak deur middel van rentevrye studielenings.

Die HHST administreer tans meer as 200 onafhanklike studiefondse namens verskeie donateurs en het reeds meer as 6 300 behoeftige studente se studie moontlik gemaak met ʼn totaal van R238 miljoen se studiehulp wat verleen is.

S-leer

Solidariteit se sentrum vir voortgesette leer is ʼn opleidingsinstelling wat voortgesette professionele ontwikkeling vir professionele persone aanbied. S-leer het ten doel om werkendes met die bereiking van hul loopbaandoelwitte by te staan deur die aanbieding van seminare, kortkursusse, gespreksgeleenthede en e-leer waarin relevante temas aangebied en bespreek word.

Solidariteit Jeug

Solidariteit Jeug berei jongmense voor vir die arbeidsmark, staan op vir hul belange en skakel hulle in by die Netwerk van Werk. Solidariteit Jeug is ʼn instrument om jongmense te help met loopbaankeuses en is ʼn tuiskomplek vir jongmense.

Solidariteit Regsfonds

ʼn Fonds om die onregmatige toepassing van regstellende aksie teen te staan.

Solidariteit Boufonds

ʼn Fonds wat spesifiek ten doel het om Solidariteit se opleidingsinstellings te bou.

Solidariteit Finansiële Dienste (SFD)

SFD is ʼn gemagtigde finansiëledienstemaatskappy wat deel is van die Solidariteit Beweging. Die instelling se visie is om die toekomstige finansiële welstand, finansiële sekerheid en volhoubaarheid van Afrikaanse individue en ondernemings te bevorder. SFD doen dit deur middel van mededingende finansiële dienste en produkte, in Afrikaans en met uitnemende diens vir ʼn groter doel aan te bied.

Ons Sentrum

Die Gemeenskapstrukture-afdeling bestaan tans uit twee mediese ondersteuningsprojekte en drie gemeenskapsentrums, naamlik Ons Plek in die Strand, Derdepoort en Volksrust. Die drie gemeenskapsentrums is gestig om veilige kleuter- en/of naskoolversorging in die onderskeie gemeenskappe beskikbaar te stel. Tans akkommodeer die gemeenskapsentrums altesaam 158 kinders in die onderskeie naskoolsentrums, terwyl Ons Plek in die Strand 9 kleuters en Ons Plek in Volksrust 16 kleuters in die kleuterskool het.

Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS)

Die Solidariteit Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS) se visie is om die toekoms van Christelike, Afrikaanse onderwys te (help) verseker deur gehalte onderrig wat reeds bestaan in stand te (help) hou, én waar nodig nuut te (help) bou.

Die SOS se doel is om elke skool in ons land waar onderrig in Afrikaans aangebied word, by te staan om in die toekoms steeds onderrig van wêreldgehalte te bly bied en wat tred hou met die nuutste navorsing en internasionale beste praktyke.

Sol-Tech

Sol-Tech is ʼn geakkrediteerde, privaat beroepsopleidingskollege wat op Christelike waardes gefundeer is en Afrikaans as onderrigmedium gebruik.

Sol-Tech fokus op beroepsopleiding wat tot die verwerwing van nasionaal erkende, bruikbare kwalifikasies lei. Sol-Tech het dus ten doel om jongmense se toekomsdrome met betrekking tot loopbaanontwikkeling deur doelspesifieke opleiding te verwesenlik.

Akademia

Akademia is ’n Christelike hoëronderwysinstelling wat op ’n oop, onbevange en kritiese wyse ’n leidinggewende rol binne die hedendaagse universiteitswese speel.

Akademia streef daarna om ʼn akademiese tuiste te bied waar sowel die denke as die hart gevorm word met die oog op ʼn betekenisvolle en vrye toekoms.

AfriForum Publishers

AfriForum Uitgewers (previously known as Kraal Uitgewers) is the proud publishing house of the Solidarity Movement and is the home of Afrikaans non-fiction, products related to the Afrikaner’s history, as well as other prime Afrikaans products. The publisher recently shifted its focus and will only publish internal publications of the Solidarity Movement from now on.

Maroela Media

Maroela Media is ʼn Afrikaanse internetkuierplek waar jy alles kan lees oor dit wat in jou wêreld saak maak – of jy nou in Suid-Afrika bly of iewers anders woon en deel van die Afrikaanse Maroela-gemeenskap wil wees. Maroela Media se Christelike karakter vorm die kern van sy redaksionele beleid.

Kanton Beleggingsmaatskappy

Kanton is ʼn beleggingsmaatskappy vir eiendom wat deur die Solidariteit Beweging gestig is. Die eiendomme van die Solidariteit Beweging dien as basis van die portefeulje wat verder deur ontwikkeling uitgebrei sal word.

Kanton is ʼn vennootskap tussen kultuur en kapitaal en fokus daarop om volhoubare eiendomsoplossings aan instellings in die Afrikaanse gemeenskap teen ʼn goeie opbrengs te voorsien sodat hulle hul doelwitte kan bereik.

Wolkskool

Wolkskool is ʼn produk van die Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS), ʼn niewinsgewende organisasie met ʼn span onderwyskundiges wat ten doel het om gehalte- Afrikaanse onderrig te help verseker. Wolkskool bied ʼn platform waar leerders 24-uur toegang tot video-lesse, vraestelle, werkkaarte met memorandums en aanlyn assessering kan kry.

Ajani

Ajani is ‘n privaat geregistreerde maatskappy wat dienste aan ambagstudente ten opsigte van plasing by werkgewers bied.

Ajani is a registered private company that offers placement opportunities to artisan students in particular.

Begrond Instituut

Die Begrond Instituut is ʼn Christelike navorsingsinstituut wat die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur gemeenskap bystaan om Bybelse antwoorde op belangrike lewensvrae te kry.

Sakeliga

ʼn Onafhanklike sake-organisasie

Pretoria FM en Klankkoerant

ʼn Gemeenskapsgebaseerde radiostasie en nuusdiens

Saai

ʼn Familieboer-landbounetwerk wat hom daarvoor beywer om na die belange van familieboere om te sien deur hul regte te beskerm en te bevorder.

Ons Winkel

Ons Winkels is Solidariteit Helpende Hand se skenkingswinkels. Daar is bykans 120 winkels landwyd waar lede van die publiek skenkings van tweedehandse goedere – meubels, kombuisware, linne en klere – kan maak. Die winkels ontvang die skenkings en verkoop goeie kwaliteit items teen bekostigbare pryse aan die publiek.

AfriForum

AfriForum is ʼn burgerregte-organisasie wat Afrikaners, Afrikaanssprekende mense en ander minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika mobiliseer en hul regte beskerm.

AfriForum is ʼn nieregeringsorganisasie wat as ʼn niewinsgewende onderneming geregistreer is met die doel om minderhede se regte te beskerm. Terwyl die organisasie volgens die internasionaal erkende beginsel van minderheidsbeskerming funksioneer, fokus AfriForum spesifiek op die regte van Afrikaners as ʼn gemeenskap wat aan die suidpunt van die vasteland woon. Lidmaatskap is nie eksklusief nie en enige persoon wat hom of haar met die inhoud van die organisasies se Burgerregte-manifes vereenselwig, kan by AfriForum aansluit.