Solidarity is warning the South African government about the serious consequences of its ongoing campaign against Israel in which it is using taxpayers’ money to advance a case in the International Court of Justice.
According to reports, Pres. Ramaphosa can now sign a special Appropriations Bill into law after it has been approved by the National Council of Provinces. This Bill makes it possible to allocate more than R95 million to the court case in which South Africa is taking Israel on over the war in Gaza.
According to Theuns du Buisson, economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), this costly campaign can still cost South Africans dearly if SA forfeits its participation in the agreement under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) of the US because of the court case against Israel.
“This R95 million spent on legal costs is just a drop in the ocean compared to what we stand to lose if South Africa were kicked out of AGOA, or even if our relations with Western countries were to deteriorate further.
“The ANC’s continued efforts to align South Africa with enemies of the US are damaging our reputation as an investment destination at a time when we can ill afford it,” Du Buisson said.
He emphasised how US interests will be prioritised when the administration changes in January when it will fall under the leadership of president-elect Donald Trump.
“When the US gets a new government, it is likely that there will be no more mercy for the ANC’s shenanigans. If Trump does indeed impose a general tariff on all imports to the USA from countries such China and Mexico, we cannot afford to be kicked out of AGOA.
“If AGOA exempts our exports from the general tariff, it will give us a major competitive advantage, and this is something South Africa simply cannot relinquish,” Du Buisson said.
In November Solidarity called on president-elect Trump to allow South Africa’s participation in AGOA to continue, as approximately 20% of South African households are directly dependent on exports to the US.
Approximately 30 000 of Solidarity’s members also work in industries that benefit from tariff-free exports to the US, as made possible by AGOA.
Du Buisson says that if ever the South African government should now tread ligthly with managing its relations.
“Yet, it is as if the ANC is making taxpayers pay more so that they can further impoverish themselves. Moreover, his case against Israel does not enjoy significant support. We simply cannot afford to stand by and watch how ordinary South Africans become impoverished for the sake of the ANC’s moral agenda.
“We should indeed seek rapprochement with the US and other countries that will put South Africa on the winning path economically, and we should abandon these ideological disputes immediately,” Du Buisson said.
In 2023, approximately 32 000 people attended service on the Day of the Vow held at the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria. 186 years after the historical events of 16 December 1838, this day is still observed by thousands of Afrikaners around the world.
On numerous occasions in the past, it has been assumed that observation of this day would end. However, it seems that the number of people attending these services continue to grow.
What is the Day of the Vow? Why is it still widely observed across the world, even after centuries, and why do Afrikaners seem to be morally so committed to observing it? This article attempts to answer these questions and to provide the historical context for this day.
Historical context
The Bloukrans Massacre
During the Great Trek in 1838 the Voortrekkers, having left the Cape Colony, were looking for land to farm again and to govern themselves independently from the British government in the Cape Colony. The Great Trek leader, Piet Retief, wanted a tract of land in the then Natal, strategically near a harbour, to facilitate trade. The land he had in mind belonged to the Zulu King, Dingane.
Retief advised his people to stay on the plateau of the Drakensberg Mountains, while he and a delegation of his men set out on horseback to the Zulu capital uMgungundlovu to negotiate with Dingane about the transfer of the land. King Dingane’s condition for the transaction was simple enough: Retief and his party had to recapture some of Dingane’s cattle taken by a rival chief. Upon returning the cattle the land would be transferred to the Trekkers.
Retief and his men returned the king’s cattle as promised, and Retief and King Dingane subsequently signed a treaty. Word reached the Voortrekkers on the plateau that the land had been transferred and they started to make their way down the mountain to the land they had hoped to occupy.
However, before Retief and his men could leave uMgungundlovu, Dingane asked if his warriors could dance for them. Naively, Retief agreed, but unbeknown to him the Zulu warriors performed a war dance inciting the warriors to kill Retief and his men once the dancing stopped.
On Dingane’s command, Retief and his men were taken to a nearby hill where they were brutally killed by the Zulu warriors. Retief came to his fate last, having to watch all of his men, including his son, being tortured to death.
After these brutal murders, Dingane gave the command to his warriors to attack and kill the rest of the Voortrekkers who were still camping in their wagon lager, waiting for Retief’s return, oblivious to what had happened. The Zulu warriors attacked in the early morning hours of 18 February 1838, slaying hundreds of innocent women and children. In one night, 185 children were killed. To date, this is the most children to have died in one night in the history of South Africa. This attack is known as the Massacre of Bloukrans.
Preparations for a penal expedition
Retief’s people were devastated by the killing of almost half of them. With help arriving for the stranded survivors the men decided to undertake a penal expedition to avenge the lost lives of their loved ones in December 1838. The women and children were left behind at a safe location.
The expedition was led by Commandant Andries Pretorius. While scouting the area for an appropriate battleground, the Voortrekker men circled their wagons in a lager at night. This way, they could be protected from all angles. Sarel Cilliers, a religious leader, who travelled with the men, realised the risk and the small chance of victory over the mighty Zulu impis. Led by Cilliers, the men took a vow to God: If victory in this battle could be theirs, they would henceforth celebrate the day as a sabbath, build a church, and teach future generations to keep commemorating the victory in remembrance:
We stand here before the Holy God of heaven and earth, to make a vow to Him that, if He will protect us and give our enemy into our hand, we shall keep this day and date every year as a day of thanksgiving like a sabbath, and that we shall build a house to His honour wherever it should please Him, and that we will also tell our children that they should share in that with us in memory for future generations. For the honour of His name will be glorified by giving Him the fame and honour for the victory.
From 13 December Cilliers affirmed the vow along with the Voortrekker men during their evening prayers and in worship at dawn. It was important for Cilliers that all the men understood the solemnity and consequences of the Vow. Therefore, those who did not want to participate were given the option to not participate.
The Battle of Blood River
On the evening of 15 December, the Voortrekker men sensed the Zulu warriors were approaching. They could hear their footsteps and smell their bodies covered in oil (a Zulu war tradition) from afar. It was a misty night and the men’s concerns grew that their gunpowder would be too damp to fire, should the attack come during the night.
The Zulu did not attack during the night of 15 December. At sunrise on the morning of the 16th, the Zulu and Voortrekker men were equally surprised to find that they were only a few hundred feet away from each other. The mist had protected the lager from sight. The Voortrekker men also realised that they were only 400 against 16 000 Zulu impis.
The Voortrekker men’s prayers were answered as they engaged in the battle and prevailed Many factors contributed to the victory. Some of the Zulu impis tried to cross the river to escape but drowned in the process, or were shot by the Voortrekker men. Lore has it that the river’s water had turned red from the blood of the Zulu impis – hence the name Blood River.
The significance of this day
Afrikaners look back on the victory on this day with gratitude and in awe of the miracles God had performed to save their ancestors. As part of the religious service on the Day of the Vow we recall the miracles and praise God for his saving grace.
Historians often approach these claims of a miracle with scepticism, attributing the outcome to superior strategy, weaponry and defensive tactics. However, for many Afrikaners, the events remain a potent symbol of faith and resilience.
The weather and geographical location
KwaZulu-Natal is known for its wet Decembers. It had been raining for a week and the rivers were swollen and difficult to cross. When Pretorius and his men crossed the Ncome River they found the perfect location for battle. To the south, the strong-flowing river with its deep hippo pool; to the west, a deep donga, also filled with muddy water – with the Zulu impi approaching from the north, it created natural defence barriers that hindered the Zulu forces.
Commandant Andries Pretorius said: “God himself chose the location.”
Dry gunpowder and the sun rising in a cloudless sky on the morning of 16 December
If it had rained, and it was a damp and cloudy day, they would not have been able to use the gunpowder.
The lager was covered in mist on the night of 15 December
Commandant Pretorius was afraid of a night attack, so he commanded his men to hang lanterns out on sticks outside their wagons. When the lager was covered in mist, the superstitious Zulu only saw strange lights floating in the air and decided to wait until the morning before they made a move.
The horses and cattle remained calm
Hundreds of horses and cattle were kept inside the lager. During the night of 15 December not a sound came from the animals that would have given away the location. In the midst of the commotion and chaos of the battle, and no one being able to look after the animals during the battle, the animals did not try to break out – not a normal reaction from nervous animals.
There were no deaths among the Voortrekker men and only three men were wounded.
There was no loss of life among the Voortrekker men, nor were there serious or life-threatening injuries. Only three men out of the 400 suffered minor wounds.
The weapons did not overheat or explode.
Front loader guns are known to overheat and explode if fired too often in succession. As the Zulu impi kept coming at the men and had to be fended off, there was a concern that the weapons would explode or fail to fire. By God’s grace, the weapons did not overheat and the men could keep firing.
Only one shot from a cannon, Grietjie, positioned 3 kilometres away, made a telling blow.
It is not usual for a cannon to fire accurately over a long distance, but Commandant Pretorius took his chances and loaded the one cannon they had to its maximum and aimed it at the hill from where the Zulu leaders were observing the battle three kilometres away. The shot from the cannon hit King Dingane’s successor. This was a telling blow that startled the Zulu impis greatly.
The mighty Zulu army fled.
A mighty and widely feared army, one trained by the famous King Shaka himself, halted and took flight. The king did not tolerate cowards. It was a known fact that if a Zulu warrior surrendered in battle, he would die by the spear of one of his own. But during the Battle of Blood River, experienced Zulu impis turned around as one and fled. King Dingane also fled and razed uMgungundlovu to the ground when he learnt of his army’s defeat.
The Voortrekkers knew that had it not been for the hand of God that day, they would have lost the battle, and that they would have faced the same fate as their fellow Voortrekkers at Bloukrans. Since then, 16 December is observed as a day of thanksgiving and worship.
The Day of the Vow or Reconciliation Day?
After the end of apartheid in 1994, 16 December has remained a public holiday in South Africa, but it was officially renamed to “Reconciliation Day” to encourage reconciliation between all nations and cultures in South Africa. Yet, for many South Africans, it remains the “Day of the Vow,” and it is still observed as such, mainly for religious reasons.
Reconciliation in practice
Two years after the Battle of Blood River, King Dingane was killed by his half-brother, Mpande, who took the throne. The Voortrekker men who fought at the Battle of Blood River attended the new king’s coronation ceremony, attended the new king’s coronation and buried the hatchet, and promised peace between the Zulu and Voortrekkers. Since the Battle of Blood River, there has been no further conflict between the Afrikaner and the Zulu.
The late Zulu Prince, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, used his position as a politician to advocate a good relationship between the Afrikaner and the Zulu nation. After his death in 2023, a memorial service was held in honour of Buthelezi at the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria. The service was attended by people from both the Afrikaner and Zulu heritage.
In 2016, former president Jacob Zuma built a bridge over the Blood River Heritage Site to the Ncome traditional community’s ground. In 2022, the management of the Blood River Heritage Site donated Zulu Bibles to each child and family of the local school in Ncome .
Each year, hundreds of schools take children from various backgrounds to visit the Voortrekker Monument to learn about the history and relationship between the Afrikaners and other traditional African groups.
Reconciliation is a daily practice for South Africans, and it shows in small gestures and in an overall attitude of living in peace with all cultures.
Day of the Vow
For Afrikaners 16 December is not about celebrating a victory that lies far back in the past, nor is it a matter of reconciliation, – it is about honouring a vow their ancestors had pledged to God.
Many Afrikaners feel they owe the reason for their existence to the fact that God had saved their ancestors at the Battle of Blood River. They also feel bound to the Vow in religious and moral terms.
Church services on the Day of the Vow are held across the country where attendees praise God for the miracles He had performed on that day, and they repeat the Vow to keep observing this day as a sabbath and teach their children to do the same.
In South Africa, the main service on the Day of the Vow is held at the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria. The Monument was designed in such a way that a ray of sunlight shines through a hole in the roof at exactly 12 pm on 16 December. This is the only day in the year this happens.
Day of the Vow: The sunbeam at 12 pm at the Voortrekker Monument
Worldwide observance
In 2023, estimated statistics showed that roughly 185 000 people across the world attended a service on the Day of the Vow. The Day of the Vow is celebrated in 24 countries across six of the seven continents. Apart from South Africa, this day is also observed in Australia, Botswana, China, Germany, England, Japan, Canada, Luxemburg, Mozambique, Namibia, The Netherlands, Nieu-Zealand, Nigeria, Paraguay, Mexico, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Scotland, Sweden, the United Arab Emirates and the United States of America.
The nationality of the participants is not known, but it can be safely assumed that the widespread attendance can be ascribed to Afrikaners who have emigrated to other parts of the world and continue to observe the Day of the Vow with their families in their newly-found communities. This shows a deep commitment to the Vow, even when the individual is thousands of kilometres away from the country of their roots.
Conclusion
When Sarel Cilliers had pledged the Vow, he was concerned that the men would forget the Vow after the battle and that their children would not keep the promise. This was unfounded concern as the victory has profoundly touched those involved in the battle as well as the future generations who still continue to observe this day as a Sabbath.
For Afrikaners, the Day of the Vow is not a celebration of a victory over the Zulus, but it is rather a day to honour their ancestors’ promise to God and to thank Him for saving them in a time of need. If the current trend is to continue, the Day of the Vow will be observed for many years to come across continents.
South Africa has become an insightful case study for especially two reasons. First, it is a prime example of prolonged, consistent government failure and capacity deterioration. Second, it is an example of how order and stability can emerge out of this chaos, through communities who organise themselves. In his articleThe disintegration of the South African order, Prof. Koos Malan writes that the future of South Africa is a “desert of disorder” containing “oases of order”.
Almost every government service (except tax collection) is in a state of decay – and has been for decades. Examples include rolling blackouts due to an ineffective, failing government monopoly, the South African Police Service dropping millions of calls for help over three years, rampant corruption, and an ever-increasing unemployment rate of more than 35%. Furthermore, more than 50% of the population is dependent on some form of government welfare grant, and infrastructure in every sector is deteriorating, from water and electricity to sewerage and roads. I discuss these matter in more detail in my 2023 article for The American Conservative.
Building a future from the ground up
One of the cultural communities at the forefront of creating “oases of order” in this context of de-development are the Afrikaners. Through community-based organisations such as AfriForum we are pioneering a new model, which requires a major shift in thinking about solution-building. AfriForum is developing an answer to the question: How should communities react in the face of continued government capacity decay, a growing list of racially discriminatory policies and laws that target you, and a political environment in which you are the target of demonisation and violent rhetoric by high profile politicians? Additionally, AfriForum is confronting the following question: How do you build a future as one of the first people with a fundamentally Western heritage living as a minority in one of the world’s post-Western countries?
AfriForum’s answer, built on a foundation of Christian values and an Afrikaner cultural identity, is the pursuit of becoming state-proof at every level by embracing a do-it-ourselves philosophy that prioritises autonomy and pragmatism. Kallie Kriel, CEO of AfriForum, describes this approach as follows: “To ensure a bright, free future for our children, our communities must get organised. We must ensure a devolution of power through taking up as many responsibilities as possible on grassroots level. We will get the future we build.” In 2023 AfriForum released a documentary with English subtitles unpacking its philosophy and model.
AfriForum’s model
AfriForum forms part of the Solidarity Movement, which comprises over 50 institutions and organisations, all working together towards ensuring that Afrikaners have a future in Southern Africa where we can be free, safe and prosperous.
AfriForum is the largest civil rights organisation in the Southern Hemisphere and unites more than 315 000 members behind a common cause. AfriForum has established more than 175 neighbourhood and farm watches, has developed emergency support services and even has a private firefighting unit. AfriForum’s more than 170 branches across the country do everything from cleaning up neighbourhoods and rivers, planting community vegetable gardens and trees, to painting street signs and repairing thousands of potholes. AfriForum has also established AfriForumTV, its own streaming service, film and documentary production company, and has its own arts theatre. AfriForum also manages a number of intercommunity and intercultural cooperation projects.
This all is made possible not through state funding or the goodwill of billionaires, but by thousands of everyday people who donate monthly. If you consider that there is usually only one AfriForum member per household, the 315 000 number can be considered as 315 000 families.
Conclusion
AfriForum and the wider Solidarity Movement have declared that we are building to stay and staying to build. AfriForum does not seek to isolate communities, but rather to help create resilient, healthy communities that cooperate with other communities on the basis of mutual recognition and respect. In the field of community-based, decentralised and state-proof solutions, AfriForum has pioneered the way, and we have only begun. The more members AfriForum gains, the more we can do. Become a member today.
The Solidarity Movement announced on November 29, 2024, that a settlement had been reached with the government at Nedlac regarding BELA. Since then, there have been many reports in the media and statements from the government causing confusion among the public about the BELA agreement, the role of the President, and the NEDLAC. Here is a complete breakdown of Solidarity’s agreement with the government (including the minister and the Presidency).
The Solidarity Movement, with Solidarity and AfriForum counting among its institutions, is involved in a comprehensive process with various role players on the BELA Act.
1. The consultation process, announced by President Ramaphosa on 13 September, was initiated following telephone calls from President Ramaphosa to AfriForum and Solidarity, in light of the fact that these institutions had voiced vehement objections to certain provisions in section 4 and section 5 of the BELA Act.
2. The commencement of the consultation process was not limited to the GNU Clearing House Committee finding a resolution, nor was a fixed format set which all concerned parties had to adhere to.
3. The consultation process was announced as an open process in which AfriForum and Solidarity, as the primary objectors to the BELA Act, were to play a key role.
To this extent, AfriForum and Solidarity reached out to political parties both within and outside the GNU, and in particular to the ANC, as the ANC is the strongest proponent of retaining section 4 and section 5 of the BELA Act.
4. As part of the attempts to highlight the consequences of the BELA Act, Solidarity referred a dispute over BELA to Nedlac in terms of section 77 of the Labour Relations Act for the purposes of obtaining a section 77 certificate, allowing its members to participate in protest action.
The notice to this effect was lodged in October with Solidarity as the applicant, and the President of South Africa and the Minister of Basic Education being cited as the respondents.
According to Nedlac’s rules, Nedlac must attempt to mediate such a dispute.
5. After an extensive process, two agreements were reached.
6. The first framework agreement was concluded between Solidarity, the Presidency and the Ministry of Basic Education. Both the respondents were duly authorised by the Minister of Basic Education and the President, respectively, to undertake the process and find a resolution to the impasse created by section 4 and section 5 of the BELA Act.
7. This agreement outlines the role of the President and that of the Minister in relation to the commencement and implementation of the BELA Act.
The President must proclaim the commencement arrangements for the BELA Act, and the Minister must make recommendations in this regard. The Minister is also responsible for developing national norms and standards, regulations and policy to support the implementation of the Act, where necessary and appropriate.
The agreement does not erode the President’s final responsibility to proclaim the commencement arrangements for the Act, but acknowledges the Minister’s role to make recommendations to the President in this regard.
It must be emphasised that whilst the President’s powers to proclaim an Act or certain provisions of an Act are upheld, he cannot ignore the recommendations from a Cabinet Minister – in this case, the Minister of Basic Education. He needs to apply his mind to them, together with any other recommendations he receives via any other process, and he needs to ensure the commencement arrangements are rational.
The agreement also recognises that national norms and standards, regulations and policy regarding the BELA Act have not been completed.
The agreement affirms that the Office of the President has confirmed that 13 December is not the commencement date for the Act but rather the end of the GNU consultation process.
The agreement stipulates that the Minister will make recommendations to the President in terms of her legal duty.
All three parties have signed the agreement. The signatories on behalf of all three parties were all duly authorised to sign the agreement. All parties are bound to the agreement.
The President mandated his team, and the Minister mandated her team to participatetake part in the process.
8. Within this framework, a second bilateral agreement was signed between Solidarity and the Minister of Basic Education.
9. This agreement stipulates that the Minister would recommend to the President to implement the controversial sections of BELA only once national norms and standards, policies and regulations have been developed to support the implementation of these sections.
This is also, even without the agreement, her legal duty. No process can erode that. This agreement does not override the legal duty of either the President or the Minister, but acknowledges it.
The bilateral agreement describes the recommended national norms and standards, policy and regulations to be developed in more detail. These are aimed at providing greater legal clarity and stronger consultation mechanisms to support the sections in question.
This agreement does not exclude the possibility of future legislative amendments should the need for these arise.
The agreement also emphasises the development of mother tongue education in general.
10. The Nedlac process and the process that is underway within the Government of National Unity (GNU) stand on their own feet, are not mutually exclusive and are even complementary.
However, the GNU process would have great difficulty to reach a different conclusion because the settlement in the Nedlac process was reached within the existing legal framework.
In fact, the settlement only stipulates the logical legal process the President and the Minister are required to follow. The best outcome for the GNU is to acknowledge the roles of the President and the Minister in this matter and to encourage them to do their work.
11. The GNU may have difficulties coming to another political agreement when a clear legal framework and process are in place. The Nedlac settlements are located within that framework.
The solution to the BELA Act dispute clearly lies within the law.
The Solidarity Movement, with Solidarity and AfriForum counting among its institutions, has reached a settlement with the government at Nedlac over the BELA dispute. The parties to the dispute at Nedlac were Solidarity, the Presidency and the Minister of Basic Education. Nedlac has confirmed that the dispute has been resolved.
In terms of the settlement, the controversial sections in the BELA Act will no longer be implemented on 13 December.
Norms and standards and national policies and regulations must first be developed which will, among other things, determine that schools which are running at their full capacity may not receive instructions to change their language and admission policy.
With regard to language and admission policy, the school’s immediate environment and/or its feeding zone, and not the larger education district, must be taken into account.
The execution of the recommendations does not exclude the possibility that there may be a need for future legislative amendments to section 4/ and or 5 of the BELA Act.
This will all form part of a process in which the Minister of Basic Education Siviwe Gwarube will make comprehensive recommendations to Pres. Ramaphosa for his due consideration.
However, this settlement does not affect the process of the Government of National Unity (GNU) or any other processes regarding BELA. The Solidarity Movement will, however, present the outcome of the settlement to the Government of National Unity.
The settlement is supported by the Solidarity Movement, AfriForum, the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools and the Afrikaanse Onderwysnetwerk.
According to Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, the settlement is the outcome of various processes. This includes talks with Pres Ramaphosa, negotiations with political parties, including the ANC, the DA and the FF+, the big march from the Voortrekker Monument to Freedom Park, talks with traditional leaders, a process at PanSAT and the Nedlac process.
Dr Dirk Hermann, Solidarity’s chief executive, says that although the settlement is a major breakthrough, further hard work still lies ahead. The important breakthrough is that we now again have time on our side where Afrikaans schools that are full to capacity will not receive instructions about language and admission. During this period there will be tough talk about norms and standards and Solidarity will also propose possible possible legislative amendments. Schools do not have to let themselves be bullied by officials.
“The BELA struggle has been the most important battle AfriForum has been involved in since its establishment. BELA’s provisions on the language policy of schools, if implemented, posed a serious threat to the survival of Afrikaans cultural communities. It is not only Afrikaans schools and children who would be targeted by its implementation, but also the pursuit of mother tongue education for all cultural communities. We have already had several discussions with traditional leaders, and it is clear that they share the aspiration that children receive mother tongue education in their respective communities. We can only thank everyone who supported the campaign against BELA. The public’s overwhelming support and the fact that thousands of people participated in the march against BELA were the deciding factor,” Kallie Kriel, AfriForum’s chief executive said.
The settlement also confirms the different roles of the Minster of Basic Education and the President:
The role of the President with regard to the BELA Act is to assent to and proclaim the commencement of the provisions of the Act.
The role of the Minister of Basic Education, as the primary custodian of the portfolio of Basic Education, is to ensure the proper implementation of the BELA Act, including:
• making recommendations to the President on the commencement arrangements for the Act; and
• ensuring that the implementation of the Act is supported by appropriate national regulations, national norms and standards and/or national policies.
The settlement also provides for further developments on mother tongue education that extend beyond Afrikaans only.
The Solidarity Movement acknowledges all the role players for the constructive manner in which the dispute was handled. The outcome is a win for all parties and the country.
Find attached the signed settlement documents here and here.
Building resilient institutions in hostile circumstances (Speech at the International Conservatism Summit, Bratislava, 11 November 2024, written by Ernst Roets, head of the Afrikaner Foundation.)
“If you want to know what the future of Western Europe will look like, look at what is happening in South Africa.” This was the introductory remarks to a recent series of articles in the popular Hungarian newspaper Demokrata. The series was about the deterioration of South Africa and the initiatives of the Afrikaner people to ensure a future for ourselves through the variety of institutions that form part of the Solidarity Movement. Demokrata’s conclusion was not a lone voice in the wilderness.
In our international efforts, we have noticed that it is necessary to explain that South Africa should not only be looked at in order to get a glimpse of what the future might hold as far as crises are concerned; potential solutions should also be observed.
When the Iron Curtain fell, it was generally interpreted to signal the collapse of communism and the advent of liberal democracy. Even though South Africa was internationally celebrated as an example of the triumph of liberal democracy, it was, in truth, a victory for left-wing ideology.
This is because the South African Communist Party (SACP), an ally of the African National Congress (ANC), argued at the time that communism had failed because it wasn’t applied properly. Stalinism was not real communism, they said. Communist Party intellectuals in South Africa had the revolutionary idea that for communism to succeed, it would need to promote radical ends through moderate means. The goal was clear – a communist state, dictatorship of the proletariat and complete control over property. The appropriate way to achieve such ends, they argued, was not violent revolution, but to employ liberal democracy as a means of achieving this end.
And so, the strategy was simple – the revolutionary movement had to present itself as freedom loving liberal democrats, to gain international approval, popular support and – most importantly – disarm their political enemies. Through these moderate claims, they were to rise to power in a multi-party democracy under a liberal constitution. This, they argued, was phase one of the revolution. The goal of phase one was to take control of the levers of power.
Once these things were achieved and South Africa was internationally celebrated for adopting the “most liberal” and “most democratic” constitution in history, the ANC and the SACP declared that the liberal democratic dispensation was merely a beach-head – a temporary victory – on the road to revolution.
In 2012, the party announced that it was now ready for the “second transition” as a means of implementing the “second phase of the revolution”. This implied using the levers of power that they now controlled to navigate the country toward more aggressive socialism. What followed was a flood of destructive laws, bills and policy ideas, including:
an attempt to create a media regulation tribunal;
to severely increase the power of the government to declare random pieces of information as “secret” and to criminalize the publication thereof;
implementing a large-scale socialist healthcare system;
eroding the property rights clause in the Constitution to empower the state to confiscate private property without compensation; and
taking control of well-functioning Afrikaans schools to force them to “transform” into dysfunctional English schools.
During all of this, the Afrikaner community that I represent became especially vulnerable because of three factors:
We are a successful minority.
We are a discredited minority.
We are an easily identifiable minority.
And so, the Leviathan that we – the Afrikaners – built during the previous century – was turned against us, and aggressively so. Under the banner of promoting “non-racialism” the ANC government wrote and implemented more than 116 race laws, aimed at excluding and exploiting the white minority in particular. In a dark ironic twist of fate, the party that was celebrated internationally for bringing freedom and equality to South Africa, succeeded in using the “most liberal” and “most democratic” constitution in the world to implement and preside over the most race laws in history. Nowhere in history has there been a country with more race laws than the current South Africa government.
And so, only a madman would argue that the solution for the Afrikaner people under these circumstances is to pray for the political regime to protect us. But it turns out, unfortunately, that mad men (and mad women) are in ample supply.
Instead of waiting for the government, we decided to do it ourselves. We started a movement, the Solidarity Movement – a network that now consists of more than 50 institutions and 700 000 members who make monthly contributions to our work – to take care of our own community.
This is why we say that we believe ourselves to be also ahead of the curve as far as solutions are concerned.
This network of institutions has been described as a state within a state, a parallel state, and as a de facto government for the Afrikaner people. This is because these institutions cover a large variety of spheres necessary for our nation to flourish, fulfilling a variety of responsibilities typically regarded as the role of the government. For the sake of brevity, I will only mention some examples:
Solidarity focusses on employment and workers’ rights, especially with regard to freedom in the workplace.
AfriForum focusses on community organising, and safety and security within these communities.
The Solidarity Helping Hand focusses on support for impoverished communities and the provision of bursaries for underprivileged young people to study.
The Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisations is a network of cultural organisations aimed at protecting and promoting the Afrikaans language and Afrikaner culture.
The Support Centre for Schools works to support Afrikaans schools and combat destructive policy ideas with regard to education.
Akademia is a private institution of higher learning where Afrikaans students can do tertiary studies from a classical Christian perspective in their own language.
Sol-Tech is a technical college providing artisan training for young Afrikaans-speaking people.
Maroela Media is the largest online Afrikaans news website.
The Orania Development Company is actively involved with infrastructure development to accelerate the growth of the Afrikaner cultural community known as Orania. The aim is to develop Orania from a town currently inhabited by several thousand people into a fully-fledged Afrikaner city.
The Afrikaner Foundation – that I represent – works to promote international cooperation and reclaim our rightful place in the international community, by actively contributing to the preservation of Western civilization from our unique experience and perspective.
Every nation is unique. It would be irresponsible to attempt to merely copy solutions that have worked in one place and apply them to another. Having said this, there are some universal truths, based on which we can reach some conclusions. These truths can be discovered from a combination of common sense and experience.
And two important common-sense conclusions are firstly that more state control to fix societal issues is almost always a bad idea, and secondly, that more community involvement is almost always a good idea.
People are quick to conclude that many of the problems of the West are the result of government overreach – and rightly so. However, this ought to be only one part of the two-sided conclusion. This is because government overreach is a result of (and a contributing factor to) the withdrawal of communities and the erosion of community life. Under the banner of statist individualism, our moral frame of reference is no longer defined by our responsibilities toward our communities, but by the individual rights with which we demand protection by the state. This creates a vicious circle: demanding more protection by the state, from the state, necessarily implies strengthening the state, and strengthening the state usually leads to more demands for protection… by the state.
South Africa is ahead of the curve because we can see the consequences of the strange combination of government overreach and government incompetence in a very tangible way. But also, we believe that the Afrikaner people are ahead of the curve in a very important way because we are actively working on returning to one of the most important truths on which Western civilization was built – the building and strengthening of institutions that are not dependent on the state to flourish, but on the community.
In doing this, we are not – as some on the Left would argue – on the side of oppression, exclusion, bigotry or hate. We are on the side of love. Love for God, love for tradition, love for culture, love for community, love for our families, and love for the hard work that we are doing with our God-given talents to carry the treasures that we have inherited from those who were here before us safely through the crowd.
Ernst Roets is the head of the Afrikaner Foundation in South Africa
The Afrikaner Foundation works to promote international cooperation with and support for the Afrikaner people, for the Afrikaner people to take up their rightful place in the international community once again, and to contribute with a particular focus on the preservation of the Western tradition.
De Basic Education Amendment Act (Bela) trekt ook internationale aandacht vanwege de impact die deze kan hebben op het Afrikaanse onderwijs.
Voor veel leden van de Afrikaanse gemeenschap, maar ook voor buitenlandse aanhangers van het Afrikaans, wordt de Bela Act gezien als een bedreiging voor het behoud van het Afrikaans als instructiemiddel en zelfs voor de cultuur van de Afrikaner gemeenschap.
Kristof Slagmulder, parlementslid uit het Vlaams Belang, uitte woensdag tijdens een parlementaire zitting in België zijn zorgen over de toekomst van het Afrikaans in Zuid-Afrika tegenover de minister-president van Vlaanderen, Matthias Diependaele; dit vooral omdat Vlaanderen en Zuid-Afrika sterke historische en taalkundige banden delen.
‘De Afrikanergemeenschap in Zuid-Afrika ervaart al enige tijd druk op haar taal en cultuur. Hoewel dit wordt ontkend, lijkt het erop dat de Zuid-Afrikaanse regering ook aandringt op het uitwissen van de Afrikaner-identiteit en de Afrikaanse taal.
“Ik ben twee keer in Zuid-Afrika geweest en heb het met eigen ogen gezien”, vertelde Slagmulder aan Diependaele.
‘De wijziging van de Bela-wet dreigt het Afrikaans als onderwijstaal in de toekomst onmogelijk te maken. Ik zag de protestactie van duizenden Afrikaners bij het Voortrekkermonument. Daarom heb ik beslist om de Vlaamse minister-president hierover te benaderen.”
Hij legde Diependaele verder uit dat de artikelen 4 en 5 van het wetsvoorstel de Zuid-Afrikaanse regering de macht geven om het taal- en toelatingsbeleid op scholen te bepalen.
“Dit roept zorgen op dat scholen gedwongen zouden kunnen worden hun huidige taalbeleid, dat mogelijk in het Afrikaans is, aan te passen; het zal uiteindelijk de toekomst van het Afrikaans als instructietaal in gevaar brengen.”
Voor Slagmulder en andere Europese bondgenoten van de Afrikaanssprekende gemeenschap is de kwestie van taalgevoelig onderwijs van fundamenteel belang.
“Als de Bela Act in zijn huidige vorm wordt aangenomen, vrezen veel Afrikaners en Afrikanerverenigingen dat dit het einde zal betekenen van bijna alle openbare Afrikaanse scholen, en zonder deze scholen zal het voor de Afrikaanse taalgemeenschap erg moeilijk zijn om te blijven bestaan. ”
Slagmulder zegt de ontwikkeling van de wet nauwlettend te hebben gevolgd en de Vlaamse minister-president regelmatig te hebben gevraagd naar de mogelijkheid om de steun van de Belgische en Vlaamse overheid voor Afrikaanse taal- en cultuurinitiatieven in Zuid-Afrika uit te breiden.
“Als lid van de commissie buitenlands beleid in het Vlaams Parlement volg ik al een tijdje de politiek en de media in Zuid-Afrika.
‘Ik heb verschillende vragen gesteld over de Afrikaner, zijn taal en zijn afkomst, maar ook over de boerderijmoorden in het land.
“Ik heb de vorige Vlaamse minister-president bijvoorbeeld een lijst bezorgd van vermoorde boeren en hun families in Zuid-Afrika. De lijst was 65 pagina’s lang.”
Slagmulder zegt dat het verlies van moedertaalonderwijs niet alleen het voortbestaan van een taal zal bedreigen, maar ook de culturele identiteit van de gemeenschap die die taal gebruikt in gevaar zal brengen.
“Minister-president, gaat u extra initiatieven ondernemen om het behoud van het Afrikaans op de agenda te zetten bij internationale taal- en cultuurorganisaties? Bent u bereid dit onderwerp onder de aandacht van de organisaties te brengen”, vroeg Slagmulder aan Diependaele.
Hij zegt dat Vlaanderen en Nederland historische en taalkundige banden delen met Zuid-Afrika en het Afrikaans.
‘Daarom denk ik dat er solidariteit moet zijn met de Afrikaanssprekende gemeenschap.
“Ook in Vlaanderen zijn er taalproblemen. Ik woon in de Denderstreek en ook het Nederlands verdwijnt door de toenemende verfransing. We ervaren ook veel druk om onze universiteiten verder te verengelsen.”
Slagmulder zegt dat hoewel de Bela-wet een Zuid-Afrikaanse wet is en geen invloed heeft in Vlaanderen, het hem om het principe gaat.
‘Een taalgemeenschap zal het moeilijk hebben om te overleven als haar kinderen niet langer onderwijs in hun moedertaal kunnen krijgen. In dit geval is het Afrikaans, dat door enkele miljoenen mensen wordt gesproken.”
Hij gelooft dat diplomatieke druk en internationaal bewustzijn tot op zekere hoogte kunnen bijdragen aan de bescherming van de rechten van Afrikaanse scholen en gemeenschappen.
“Vanuit Vlaanderen kunnen we in Zuid-Afrika niet zomaar de wet veranderen. Dat is zeker niet de bedoeling. Elk land maakt zijn eigen wetten. Maar dit betekent niet dat we, gezien onze historische banden, geen internationale aandacht kunnen trekken om het Afrikaans als volwaardige onderwijstaal te beschermen en te promoten.
“Ik hoop zeker dat er in de toekomst samenwerking komt tussen Vlaamse en Afrikaanse universiteiten zoals Akademia.
“De Vlaamse regering gaf eerder aan hier heel sympathiek naar te kijken, maar dan moet de vraag vanuit Zuid-Afrika gesteld worden. Het zou mooi zijn als er samengewerkt kan worden”, zegt Slagmulder.
This was the simple but clear message that a crowd of more than 10 000 people conveyed today during the Bela protest march to every party and politician involved in South Africa’s Government of National Unity (GNU).
The Solidarity Movement, Solidarity, AfriForum, the Solidarity School Support Centre (SOS) and other organisations with an interest in Afrikaans education led the march in protest against the sections on public school admission and language policies included in the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act 32 of 2024 (the Bela Act).
Thousands of protesters marched against the BELA Act on 5 November.
The DA and FF+, supporters of the protest action, received a memorandum containing demands, following which protesters embarked on a peaceful march spanning approximately 1,8 km from the Voortrekker Monument along Reconciliation Road towards Freedom Park.
Here the memorandum, which was signed by more than 40 organisations, was handed over to Gayton McKenzie, as representative of the Precedency.
John Steenhuisen (DA leader) and Pieter Groenewald (FF+ leader) and the leaders of the Solidarity Movement’s institutions formed the front line of the procession.
According to Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, contemporary colonialists such as Panyaza Lesufi, the premier of Gauteng, and Matome Chiloane, the MEC for Education in this province, are trying to anglicise Afrikaans schools like the colonialists of old. “They will not succeed. Afrikaans will remain. What we do here today is out of love. Unlike Lesufi and Co, our actions are not motivated by hatred towards other groups. It’s out of love for our children. It is out of love for our schools. It is out of love for our task, our heritage, and the country,” explains Buys.
Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement
“Bela is our red line. We convey this message to all political parties in the GNU to ensure they understand the intensity of the community’s sentiments. More than 10 000 people said today that they will not allow their children’s future to be taken away,” explains Dr Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity.
Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity
Kallie Kriel, CEO of AfriForum, labels the protest march as a “historic day” and the largest march of Afrikaans speakers since 1994. “People are angry, and they have come here to show it today. A law that targets Afrikaans schools and threatens our cultural survival has angered them.”
Leon Fourie, CEO of SOS, maintains that today’s protest action sends a clear message to the government. He also condemns the government’s laxity and apathy and emphasises that the government has not only not built a single Afrikaans school over the past 30 years but also does not take mother language teaching seriously and openly expresses hatred towards Afrikaans schools. “Today it’s about more than just ourselves or our generation,” he explains. “It’s about generations yet to come.”
Steenhuisen emphasized during the signing of the memorandum that the language and admissions policy clause in the law gives too much power to the state and takes too much power away from parents and communities. “Our Constitution is clear. Every person has the right to education in the language or languages of their choice. These rights that are in our Constitution can no longer just be erased with a pen,” he explains. “We cannot hand this power over to a provincial officer in an office that sits far from the school and local community.”
DA leader, John Steenhuisen
Groenewald, for his part, denounced the ANC’s abuse of power with the adoption of the law in parliament before the national election, “because they knew they might not be the government after the election”. He pleaded for a change through the influence in the GNU. “Every step you take here today is a step of change.” He concluded by referring to the importance of mother language: “I am an Afrikaner and I am proud of it. Part of my pride is my mother language. That is why we must ensure that our pride is not trampled on.”
Pieter Groenewald, leader of the Vryheidsfront Plus
The PA leader, McKenzie, who also secured entry to the Freedom Park site, received the memorandum on behalf of the Presidency. He thanked President Cyril Ramaphosa for listening to the voice of the Afrikaans community by postponing the implementation of the two articles. He, however, emphasised that the fight would continue. “We will fight for Afrikaans, because Afrikaans is not going anywhere.”
PA leader, Gayton McKenzie
The institutions of the Solidarity Movement have today recommitted themselves to the ongoing struggle against the implementation of Section 4 and 5 of the Bela Act. Today’s visible demonstration is a powerful gesture, but only one way in which the institutions will stand up for mother language education, Afrikaans, teachers and children.
According to Buys, the negotiations with representatives of the GNU will now be met with clear evidence in hand – evidence from the thousands of South Africans who regard Bela as a red line and will not stand back and watch Afrikaans education be wiped out for political gain.
Two assassination attempts, Biden’s Covid-19 diagnosis, a sudden change in the Democratic Party’s presidential candidate, numerous newsworthy debates, two huge hurricanes and a McDonald’s visit later, and we are finally on the eve of the American presidential election.
South Africans have been closely watching this roller coaster of events from the very beginning. Some South Africans are even more familiar with American politics than they are with our own politics. However, this interest is not a strange phenomenon, nor is it an unnecessary one.
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison, explains that America is still the world’s most powerful superpower, and it will remain as such for a few years to come. Therefore, South Africa has a major interest in being aware of the influence this superpower can have on our economy.
“Economically, South Africa depends strongly on trade with the USA and on investments from this country. What happens in America affects us all because it affects our exchange rate, as well as commodity prices, trade relations and global political and economic variables,” Kleynhans explained.
Kleynhans is a political expert with a particular interest in international politics. Part of his duties is to inform Afrikaners about the latest political events in the world and the influence of such events on South Africa. He does weekly talks on Afrikaans radio stations, writes articles for the Afrikaans media, and has his own podcast Wêreldwys (World Wise) where he explains complex politics in an understandable way to the public.
However, American politics is one of Kleynhans’s particular preferences. At one stage, he was himself involved in an election campaign for George W. Bush. Kleynhans will be in the USA from 5 November to report on developments in the election to South Africans. After the election, he will undertake a three-week tour of the USA, visiting Michigan, Wisconsin and Texas, among others, to discuss the Solidarity Movement’s cause with those interested in it.
“We engage with both Republicans and Democrats and have no motive to take sides. I will be meeting with members of both parties across the US, and in particular in Washington DC over the next three weeks. There are many Republicans and Democrats in the United States Congress who are interested in what happens in South Africa, and with whom we have already established a good rapport.”
For some years now the Solidarity Movement has been canvassing international support for South Africa and for Afrikaners. Jaco is one of the main players in this regard.
“For the past two years, I have been working on fostering ties with legislators in various states. We are about to draft important resolutions for consideration in some of the states’ legislatures. This may have far-reaching consequences.
Moreover, we have very sound contacts in in the Congress in Washington DC and with organisations that influence political policy. In my discussions with dozens of influential persons I will deal with various issues such as the Government of National Unity (GNU), AGOA, the position of minorities in South Africa, the BELA Act, the planned NHI, crime, BRICS, the ANC’s ties with Russia, China and Iran, while I will also focus on the work of the Solidarity Movement as well.”
Who does Kleynhans think will win the election, and what would the consequences be of such a result for South Africa?
If he has to take his best educated guess, Kleynhans believes Trump stands a good chance to win, but it will depend on who will be voting.
“Economically, a Trump victory can bring great opportunities and risk. The main opportunities are in trade as Trump is planning strong action against China. This will create new opportunities for South Africa to export even more products to the USA”.
Afrikaners have organised a massive march against the BELA Act (read more about it here) on the same day the American presidential election is taking place. For Afrikaners, to hold a protest march is a rare cultural phenomenon, and this day will certainly have a historical impact. Despite our own political turmoil and upheaval, America can know for sure that South Africans will still watch the American election with a hawk’s eye.
Jaco Kleynhans, the Solidarity Movement’s head of international liaison
A commemorative event for the former Zulu King, King Dinuzulu (1868-1913), was held on the Farm Rietfontein (Kwa Thengisangaye on Friday 18 October.
The reigning Zulu King, King Misuzulu KaZwelithini, invited AfriForum (an institution of the Solidarity Movement to the event. For these two parties this marks the beginning of formal discussions on cooperation between the Zulu communities and the Afrikaners.
King Misuzulu Zwelithini wants the talks to focus on cooperation in the fields of the economy, community safety, land management and cultural exchange, as well as other matters of joint interest.
This occasion was celebrated on the farm where King Dinuzulu died in exile on 18 October 1913, exactly 111 years ago.
A brief background on the Afrikaners and the Zulus
Many people who are not all that familiar with the history, are under the impression that the Afrikaners and the Zulus have a history of conflict and that, to this day, they live in animosity. This perception dates back to the times of the Great Trek.
Under the rule of King Dingaan, a cruel Zulu king, thousands of Zulus massacred innocent women, children and families during the Battle of Bloukrans. The Trekkers took revenge at the Battle of Blood River, a battle that claimed the lives of almost 10 000 Zulus.
In the aftermath of these events and King Dingaan’s death, the Voortrekkers, today’s Afrikaners, made peace with the Zulus. The Afrikaners even attended the inauguration of Dingaan’s successor, King Mpande. The Afrikaners and Zulus subsequently fought side by side on numerous occasions and cooperated whenever the opportunity presented itself.
This cooperation and peace clearly manifested in the he relationship King Dinuzulu had with the Afrikaners.
During the Bambata Rebellion against the British colonialists, King Dinuzulu was imprisoned in Newcastle. When South Africa became a Union the new Prime Minister, Louis Botha, ordered the release of the Zulu King.
After his release, King Dinuzulu was allowed to settle on the Farm Rietfontein where he spent his last years. Botha knew him well because, as a young man, Botha was a member of Comdt Lucas Meyer’s commando that supported King Dinuzulu in the victory over the Mandlakazi, a Zulu faction, during the Battle of Spookberg (Tshaneni) in 1884.
During the memorial event this month reference was made to the relationship between General Louis Botha and King Dinuzulu.
King Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
What does the future hold?
In his speech, the King emphasised among other things that the “historical alliances” that existed between the Afrikaners and the Zulus are “a reminder of the complexities and nuances of our past.”
“The relationships that existed between King Mpande, King Dinuzulu and the Boer leaders remind us of the intricate web of diplomacy and steadfastness that characterised our history,” King Misuzulu KaZweletini said.
According to Mwalela Cele, deputy head of research and innovation at Amafa, the KwaThengisangaye Site is a confirmation of the role that heritage can play in promoting peaceful coexistence.
“The site and the history and the heritage associated with it confirm that that there is more that unites us than what divides us in this beautiful country. It is very important to Amafa that sites such as this one are preserved and that memorials and plaques are erected so that they can be preserved for generations to come and so that people will be able to know their history,” Cele explained.
Barend Uys, head of intercultural relations and cooperation at AfriForum mentioned at the event that the present generation, like previous generations have the responsibility to ensure a future for generations to come. He maintains, that all peoples in the country are facing major challenges but that solutions beckon
AfriForum believes that all cultural communities should work together on a basis of mutual recognition and respect on matters that are important to us. The historical issue our generation has to resolve is the peaceful co-existence of all the peoples calling the southern tip of Afrika their home. What is happening here today can serve as a good start to ensure a peaceful co-existence. We are building trust. We are engaging in difficult talks that are necessary to achieve genuine reconciliation between peoples.”
Uys welcomed King Misuzulu’s positive response to a request for dialogue with the Afrikaans community.
“We are keenly looking forward to engage in talks with the king about issues that affect our respective communities, and to cooperate with the king,” Uys explained.
“AfriForum and Afrikaners choose to continue to exist with a sense of justice. We choose mutual recognition and respect. We choose a peaceful coexistence. What we are experiencing is that the other peoples in the country and especially the traditional leaders have also made the choice, and today’s celebrations were an exceptional example of that. We are also very grateful for the privilege of having King Misuzulu attending the occasion where he acted as keynote speaker.
Barend Uys of AfriForum, Frikkie Meyer (interpreter) and king Misuzulu KaZwelethini.
Die Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) is reeds in 1929 gestig. Vandag is die FAK steeds dié organisasie wat jou toelaat om kreatief te wees in jou taal en kultuur. Die FAK is ’n toekomsgerigte kultuurorganisasie wat ’n tuiste vir die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur bied en die trotse Afrikanergeskiedenis positief bevorder.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand fokus op maatskaplike welstand en dié organisasie se groter visie is om oplossings vir die hantering van Afrikanerarmoede te vind.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand se roeping is om armoede deur middel van gemeenskapsontwikkeling op te los. Solidariteit Helpende Hand glo dat mense ʼn verantwoordelikheid teenoor mekaar en teenoor die gemeenskap het.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand is geskoei op die idees van die Afrikaner-Helpmekaarbeweging van 1949 met ʼn besondere fokus op “help”, “saam” en “ons.”
AfriForumTV is ʼn digitale platform wat aanlyn en gratis is en visuele inhoud aan lede en nielede bied. Intekenaars kan verskeie kanale in die gemak van hul eie huis op hul televisiestel, rekenaar of selfoon verken deur van die AfriForumTV-app gebruik te maak. AfriForumTV is nóg ʼn kommunikasiestrategie om die publiek bewus te maak van AfriForum se nuus en gebeure, maar ook om vermaak deur films en fiksie- en realiteitsreekse te bied. Hierdie inhoud gaan verskaf word deur AfriForumTV self, instellings binne die Solidariteit Beweging en eksterne inhoudverskaffers.
AfriForum Uitgewers (voorheen bekend as Kraal Uitgewers) is die trotse uitgewershuis van die Solidariteit Beweging en is die tuiste van Afrikaanse niefiksie-, Afrikanergeskiedenis- én prima Afrikaanse produkte. Dié uitgewer het onlangs sy fokus verskuif en gaan voortaan slegs interne publikasies van die Solidariteit Beweging publiseer.
AfriForum Jeug is die amptelike jeugafdeling van AfriForum, die burgerregte-inisiatief wat deel van die Solidariteit Beweging vorm. AfriForum Jeug berus op Christelike beginsels en ons doel is om selfstandigheid onder jong Afrikaners te bevorder en die realiteite in Suid-Afrika te beïnvloed deur veldtogte aan te pak en aktief vir jongmense se burgerregte standpunt in te neem.
De Goede Hoop is ʼn moderne, privaat Afrikaanse studentekoshuis met hoë standaarde. Dit is in Pretoria geleë.
De Goede Hoop bied ʼn tuiste vir dinamiese studente met Christelike waardes en ʼn passie vir Afrikaans; ʼn tuiste waar jy as jongmens in gesonde studentetradisies kan deel en jou studentwees met selfvertroue in Afrikaans kan uitleef.
DIE HELPENDE HAND STUDIETRUST (HHST) is ʼn inisiatief van Solidariteit Helpende Hand en is ʼn geregistreerde openbare weldaadsorganisasie wat behoeftige Afrikaanse studente se studie moontlik maak deur middel van rentevrye studielenings.
Die HHST administreer tans meer as 200 onafhanklike studiefondse namens verskeie donateurs en het reeds meer as 6 300 behoeftige studente se studie moontlik gemaak met ʼn totaal van R238 miljoen se studiehulp wat verleen is.
Solidariteit se sentrum vir voortgesette leer is ʼn opleidingsinstelling wat voortgesette professionele ontwikkeling vir professionele persone aanbied. S-leer het ten doel om werkendes met die bereiking van hul loopbaandoelwitte by te staan deur die aanbieding van seminare, kortkursusse, gespreksgeleenthede en e-leer waarin relevante temas aangebied en bespreek word.
Solidariteit Jeug berei jongmense voor vir die arbeidsmark, staan op vir hul belange en skakel hulle in by die Netwerk van Werk. Solidariteit Jeug is ʼn instrument om jongmense te help met loopbaankeuses en is ʼn tuiskomplek vir jongmense.
Solidariteit Regsfonds
ʼn Fonds om die onregmatige toepassing van regstellende aksie teen te staan.
Solidariteit Boufonds
ʼn Fonds wat spesifiek ten doel het om Solidariteit se opleidingsinstellings te bou.
SFD is ʼn gemagtigde finansiëledienstemaatskappy wat deel is van die Solidariteit Beweging. Die instelling se visie is om die toekomstige finansiële welstand, finansiële sekerheid en volhoubaarheid van Afrikaanse individue en ondernemings te bevorder. SFD doen dit deur middel van mededingende finansiële dienste en produkte, in Afrikaans en met uitnemende diens vir ʼn groter doel aan te bied.
Die Gemeenskapstrukture-afdeling bestaan tans uit twee mediese ondersteuningsprojekte en drie gemeenskapsentrums, naamlik Ons Plek in die Strand, Derdepoort en Volksrust. Die drie gemeenskapsentrums is gestig om veilige kleuter- en/of naskoolversorging in die onderskeie gemeenskappe beskikbaar te stel. Tans akkommodeer die gemeenskapsentrums altesaam 158 kinders in die onderskeie naskoolsentrums, terwyl Ons Plek in die Strand 9 kleuters en Ons Plek in Volksrust 16 kleuters in die kleuterskool het.
Die Solidariteit Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS) se visie is om die toekoms van Christelike, Afrikaanse onderwys te (help) verseker deur gehalte onderrig wat reeds bestaan in stand te (help) hou, én waar nodig nuut te (help) bou.
Die SOS se doel is om elke skool in ons land waar onderrig in Afrikaans aangebied word, by te staan om in die toekoms steeds onderrig van wêreldgehalte te bly bied en wat tred hou met die nuutste navorsing en internasionale beste praktyke.
Sol-Tech is ʼn geakkrediteerde, privaat beroepsopleidingskollege wat op Christelike waardes gefundeer is en Afrikaans as onderrigmedium gebruik.
Sol-Tech fokus op beroepsopleiding wat tot die verwerwing van nasionaal erkende, bruikbare kwalifikasies lei. Sol-Tech het dus ten doel om jongmense se toekomsdrome met betrekking tot loopbaanontwikkeling deur doelspesifieke opleiding te verwesenlik.
Akademia is ’n Christelike hoëronderwysinstelling wat op ’n oop, onbevange en kritiese wyse ’n leidinggewende rol binne die hedendaagse universiteitswese speel.
Akademia streef daarna om ʼn akademiese tuiste te bied waar sowel die denke as die hart gevorm word met die oog op ʼn betekenisvolle en vrye toekoms.
AfriForum Uitgewers (previously known as Kraal Uitgewers) is the proud publishing house of the Solidarity Movement and is the home of Afrikaans non-fiction, products related to the Afrikaner’s history, as well as other prime Afrikaans products. The publisher recently shifted its focus and will only publish internal publications of the Solidarity Movement from now on.
Maroela Media is ʼn Afrikaanse internetkuierplek waar jy alles kan lees oor dit wat in jou wêreld saak maak – of jy nou in Suid-Afrika bly of iewers anders woon en deel van die Afrikaanse Maroela-gemeenskap wil wees. Maroela Media se Christelike karakter vorm die kern van sy redaksionele beleid.
Kanton Beleggingsmaatskappy
Kanton is ʼn beleggingsmaatskappy vir eiendom wat deur die Solidariteit Beweging gestig is. Die eiendomme van die Solidariteit Beweging dien as basis van die portefeulje wat verder deur ontwikkeling uitgebrei sal word.
Kanton is ʼn vennootskap tussen kultuur en kapitaal en fokus daarop om volhoubare eiendomsoplossings aan instellings in die Afrikaanse gemeenskap teen ʼn goeie opbrengs te voorsien sodat hulle hul doelwitte kan bereik.
Wolkskool is ʼn produk van die Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS), ʼn niewinsgewende organisasie met ʼn span onderwyskundiges wat ten doel het om gehalte- Afrikaanse onderrig te help verseker. Wolkskool bied ʼn platform waar leerders 24-uur toegang tot video-lesse, vraestelle, werkkaarte met memorandums en aanlyn assessering kan kry.
Die Begrond Instituut is ʼn Christelike navorsingsinstituut wat die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur gemeenskap bystaan om Bybelse antwoorde op belangrike lewensvrae te kry.
Ons Winkels is Solidariteit Helpende Hand se skenkingswinkels. Daar is bykans 120 winkels landwyd waar lede van die publiek skenkings van tweedehandse goedere – meubels, kombuisware, linne en klere – kan maak. Die winkels ontvang die skenkings en verkoop goeie kwaliteit items teen bekostigbare pryse aan die publiek.
AfriForum is ʼn burgerregte-organisasie wat Afrikaners, Afrikaanssprekende mense en ander minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika mobiliseer en hul regte beskerm.
AfriForum is ʼn nieregeringsorganisasie wat as ʼn niewinsgewende onderneming geregistreer is met die doel om minderhede se regte te beskerm. Terwyl die organisasie volgens die internasionaal erkende beginsel van minderheidsbeskerming funksioneer, fokus AfriForum spesifiek op die regte van Afrikaners as ʼn gemeenskap wat aan die suidpunt van die vasteland woon. Lidmaatskap is nie eksklusief nie en enige persoon wat hom of haar met die inhoud van die organisasies se Burgerregte-manifes vereenselwig, kan by AfriForum aansluit.
