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Greater Afrikaans community decides on day of protest against BELA

Posted on October 10, 2024 by anneke

A day of mass protest will be held in less than four weeks from now against the Basic Education Act (BELA) to send out the strongest message of resistance against the controversial articles in this Act.

Dozens of organisations representing the larger Afrikaans community accepted a resolution today during a BELA Action Summit in Pretoria to announce a day of protest against the BELA articles on language and admission policy.

Members of various Afrikaans organisations, institutions of the Solidarity Movement, members of school governing bodies, teachers, parents and advocates of mother tongue education from all communities are planning to hold a protest march in Pretoria on Tuesday 5 November to air their concern about BELA.

The decision to take protest action is among several resolutions that were accepted at the BELA Action Summit led by Solidarity, AfriForum and the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools (SCS).

Other steps that have been jointly decided upon, include:
– to proceed with court action if BELA is implemented in its current format;
– to ask the DA and FF+ to suspend their participation in the government of national unity if BELA is implemented in its current format;
– to protect Afrikaans schools and Afrikaans in schools with everything we have; and
– to promote mother tongue education in general.

Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, says these resolutions are an important moment in yet another battle of survival for Afrikaans.

Flip Buys, chairman of the Solidarity Movement

“This battle has been going on for two centuries. It has been exactly 200 years since Lord Charles Somerset’s directive that English would henceforth be the only language in the Cape Colony’s schools. Now we once again have a government that wants to anglicise Afrikaans schools to achieve political goals,” said Buys.

Leon Fourie, chief executive of the SCS, says representatives of around 50 stakeholder organisations and of more than 70 schools attended the Action Summit, and accepted the resolutions.

“The Act centralises power in the hands of the state and deprives communities of their right to have a say in schools. By limiting the powers of governing bodies, communities’ schools are exposed to a greater risk of political interference,” Fourie said.

Kallie Kriel, AfriForum’s chief executive, says that these resolutions that have been taken are critically necessary, given the serious implications of the legislation.

“Afrikaans schools play a key role in Afrikaans cultural communities, and for this reason, the attack on Afrikaans schools and children is an act of aggression that threatens the continued existence of our cultural communities. We will fight BELA’s anti-Afrikaans sections with everything we have,” Kriel said.

Kallie Kriel, chief executive of AfriForum

According to Dr Dirk Hermann, Solidarity’s chief executive, the decision to organise a protest march was not taken lightly.

“Like previous generations, we must stand up for Afrikaans education and the important cultural transmission that comes with it. We cannot allow that in a hundred years from now people will look back reproachfully, saying that the generation of 2024 had forsaken its descendants,” Hermann said.

Dirk Hermann, Kallie Kriel, chief executive of Solidarity

More information about the day of protest will be announced soon.

The Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube, was also present at the summit. She said during her speech that the solution to the differences regarding Bela lies in dialogue, cooperation and mutual respect.

She also repeated several times that she believes the differences regarding Bela are not insurmountable.

She also acknowledged that the autonomy of governing bodies over admission and language policies has always been a core pillar of basic education in South Africa.

The Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube

Organisations and political parties present during the signing of the resolutions included the Federation of Governing Bodies of South African Schools (FEDSAS), the South African Teachers Union (SAOU), the DA, FF+ and traditional leaders.

Click here for the resolutions taken at the BELA Action Summit .

BELA Act – the clear, red line

Posted on October 7, 2024 by anneke

South African parents draw a clear red line when it comes to their children. “It is my child, my language, my community, my school!” thousands of concerned parents declared as President Cyril Ramaphosa announced that he would sign the BELA (Basic Education Laws Amendment) Bill within 48 hours.

It is important to note that the South African school system is founded on public schools, rather than state-owned schools. These schools are partially funded by the government and offer education in languages, such as Afrikaans, English and other indigenous languages.

Public schools are funded in two ways. The majority of schools depend on the government for financial support, while others are supported by the community.

There is no denying that the government is failing the schools that depend solely on them for funding. Examples of how they fail these schools are, amongst other things, a lack of resources, overcrowded classrooms, and a lack of teachers. Sometimes learners even do not have desks to sit at in school. This contributes to and results in extremely poor performance among learners. The aforementioned does not even include major infrastructural problems experienced at these schools. For example, in 2024 several incidents had been reported where primary school learners had drowned in pit latrines because the schools do not have toilets.

The government seemingly encourages schools to function with the support of the community. At these community-supported schools, the school’s governing body decides on the school’s admission and language policies, and the values that are taught at the school. The governing body usually consists of parents and community members. The learners’ performance in these schools is usually high because the governing body and community values mother-tongue education which is embodied in the school’s language policies.

Single-medium Afrikaans schools are amongst these schools that show exceptional performance by learners. Many Afrikaans schools benefit from active parental and community involvement, which fosters a supportive learning environment. There is an emphasis on Afrikaans culture and heritage, creating a sense of belonging and motivation for students.

Instruction in Afrikaans allows students to develop strong language skills, which can enhance their overall academic performance. Most Afrikaans schools prioritise a rigorous academic curriculum, emphasising critical thinking and problem-solving skills. A strong sense of discipline and values is instilled, which contributes to a positive and disciplined school culture.

Some schools maintain lower student-teacher ratios, allowing for more individualised attention and support. A variety of extracurricular activities, including sports and arts, help develop well-rounded students.

With BELA, the government wishes to transform the 5% of these well-structured, community-supported schools to become part of the 80% dysfunctional government-supported schools.

The BELA Act might be the government of national unity’s (GNU) first test. It will affect the trust between the different political parties, but more importantly the trust of the Afrikaans community in the GNU to also protect the minorities’ needs.

What is the BELA Act?

BELA is simply an amendment to the South African Schools Act (SASA) (No. 84 of 1996) and the Educators Employment Act (No. 76 of 1998).

The purpose of the amendment is to bring equality to the school system and to change the wording to better suit the South Africa of 2024.

To be clear, the entire BELA is not malicious. Some laws surely need amendment to improve the school system and close the gaps to ensure that all children receive their right to education. However, the act in its totality is flawed. Here are some of the sections in BELA that are controversial (sourced from News24):

Making Grade R the new compulsory level to start school: The provision of Grade R is currently not part of the mandatory basic education mandate, and it is managed within the broader context of early childhood development as regulated by the Education White Paper 5 of 2021. Grade R would be expanded to 7 888 schools where it is not yet offered.
Criminalising parents who don’t ensure their children go to school: BELA addresses this matter by threatening parents with possible imprisonment. BELA also adds that anyone who prevents or intentionally disturbs school activities is guilty of violating the law and is punishable by a prison sentence of a maximum of 12 months.
Homeschooling: The amendment provides that the Head of the department may when considering an application, require a delegated official to conduct a pre-registration site visit. It also provides that the Minister of Basic Education may institute regulations relating to the registration and administration of home education. The Department said the amendment to homeschooling acknowledges the fact that some parents do not feel comfortable sending their children to public schools.
Language policy: This section seeks to amend section 6 of the SASA Act to provide for the governing body to submit the language policy of a public school and any amendment thereof to the Head of the Education Department for approval. The language policy must also consider the language needs of the broader community.
Sale of alcohol on school premises: This section deals with matters about the possession, consumption, or sale of liquor during any private function held on the school premises.
Religion: BELA stipulates that schools’ code of conduct be sensitive to cultural beliefs and religious observances. The code of conduct must also contain a section which allows pupils to request an exemption from complying with certain parts of the code of conduct.
Corporal punishment: BELA reaffirms that corporal punishment is no longer allowed at schools. It proposes that a person who carries out corporal punishment pay a fine or be sentenced to prison.

Concerns about the Language Policy in the Act

The Language Policy in the Act disempowers schools from choosing their language of instruction. Read between the lines, this section aims to exploit and target single-language and mother-tongue education schools to change their language policies.

Some Afrikaans schools in Pretoria have already been threatened by the provisions in this section should this section be implemented. Afrikaans schools are high-performing schools and achieve excellent results each year, mainly because of the quality of teaching received in learners’ mother tongue.

Changing these schools’ main language of instruction to English puts the learners at a disadvantage and denies them the opportunity to learn and perform in their mother tongue. Afrikaans schools are also at the centre of the Afrikaans culture where teachers can freely teach and realise the values of the community.

The mother tongue argument is not just about Afrikaans or language in general; it is about protecting traditional and cultural language communities throughout South Africa. The government does not value mother tongue education and disregards it.

“We regard the signing of this Bill into an Act as an act of aggression towards and a breach of the relationship of trust with the Afrikaans community. The signing undermines the spirit of unity of the national government,” said Dirk Hermann, Chief Executive of Solidarity at the time of the signing of the Bill.

Various institutions associated with the Solidarity Movement and other stakeholders put considerable pressure on the President to refrain from signing the Bill. As a result, the President has chosen to postpone the enactment of the sections dealing with language policy and school admission in the Act pending further negotiation. In the meantime, institutions like Solidarity and AfriForum are preparing for legal action, mass protests and negotiations with key role players.

Implications of these sections of the Act are to be implemented

According to the section on Language Policy, a public school should adjust the language to serve the broader public represented in an area. If this is the criteria, there is no region where Afrikaans or any other language will outweigh the English-speaking community in numbers.

This will mean the end of all single-medium public schools and mother-tongue education. This also has an enormous impact on the job stability of educators.

Should parents wish to teach their children in Afrikaans or a different language, they would have to pay expensive amounts to send their children to private schools, which few parents can afford.

The new provision of homeschooling in the Act will also make it difficult for parents and educators to decide upon the curriculum they wish to follow.

What is the way forward?

Before a Bill or an Act is signed in South Africa, the public has the opportunity to submit written comments or feedback that should be considered in the law-making process. In the case of the BELA Bill, the analysis of the Portfolio Committee on Basic Education of the public comments received showed that only 1,4% were positive towards the Bill. Thus, the President signed a Bill that suits only 1,4% of the public.

The Minister of Basic Education boycotted the signing ceremony of the Bill to show her opposition to the Bill. The government can expect mass resistance and protests from inside and outside the GNU until a final decision future announcement is made.

The outcome of the differences on BELA will be the first real test for the GNU. Should President Cyril Ramaphosa enact all the sections of the Bill, the Solidarity Movement will continue its battle against it in court. There is still hope regardless of the outcome of the current process.

The Afrikaans community has shown its power and resilience in standing together and supporting each other through its application of self-governance. Plans to open a private Afrikaans primary school in Pretoria are already being put into action. In 2028 the new campus of Akademia, an Afrikaans tertiary education institution, will also open its doors. No Act or signature can keep us from speaking our language and realising our culture freely in the country of our birth.

The Solidary Movement’s focus is to fight for a space where Afrikaners can live freely, safely and prosperously at the southernmost tip of Africa.

International Perspective 2

Posted on September 27, 2024September 27, 2024 by anneke

After 30 years: Uncertainty, fluidity and a political crossroads ahead for SA

Dear friends, acquaintances and interested parties abroad

In this second edition of our international newsletter, we discuss the new government in South Africa and the risks and opportunities that political change brings for South Africans, but also for our friends abroad.

Kind regards

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison

Solidarity Movement, South Africa

Introduction

From New South Africa to Next South Africa: A new phase, filled with opportunity and risk

The past three decades in South Africa have been known as the post-apartheid era, or as the era of the New South Africa. After an earthshattering election in May 2024, in which the African National Congress (ANC) lost its majority in parliament for the first time since 1994, it is clear that the country has entered a new era. The post-apartheid era has always been characterised by the ANC as the representative of the millions of black South Africans who had been excluded from the democratic dispensation before 1994. For these South Africans, the ANC was the vehicle to realise their aspirations, dreams and hopes. However, it became clear, especially during the last decade, that a large section of these South Africans began to lose their patience with the ANC. The combination of poor service delivery, decaying infrastructure, violent and other crimes and the rise in unemployment and poverty proved to be enough for millions of voters who had voted for the ANC in 1994. Along with this, there is a whole new generation of young South Africans today who have little to no hope in politics, and especially in the ANC.

MK and apathy reason for ANC loss of majority

The result of all of this is that the ANC’s dwindling support levels turned into a dramatic loss of support. The party’s support dropped to 40%, and with it, the party lost the parliamentary majority it had over the past three decades. The ANC’s poor performance at the polls can be attributed to two things mainly. The breakaway of the Jacob Zuma faction from the ANC and the resultant rise of the MK party, especially in KwaZulu-Natal, was responsible for more than half of the ANC’s loss of support. Compared to previous elections, the balance of the loss in votes can be ascribed to the stay-away vote. In 2024, the voting percentage among black South Africans dropped to the lowest level since 1994. Black South Africans who have had enough of the ANC’s mismanagement voted for opposition parties in very small numbers – most of them either voted for the MK or simply did not vote at all. Less than 40% of all eligible potential voters in South Africa voted. Of the 27,7 million registered voters only 16,2 million cast their vote. After the participation peak of 89,3% in 1999, the voting percentage dropped to 58,6% in 2024. There are, however, another 13 million adult South Africans who did not even bother to register to vote. Thus, out of a total of more than 40 million eligible voters, only 16 million participated in the election.

The reason for the elevated levels of apathy among black South Africans, in particular, is precisely the feeling that politics, and specifically democracy, no longer offers solutions to their challenges. According to a 2024 study conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, 57% of South Africans are dissatisfied with democracy in South Africa.

A new political era for South Africa

After this year’s general election, it was clear that the ANC would have to form coalitions with other parties at national level, but also in some of the provinces, to establish a stable government. The choice was clear – either cooperation with radical leftist parties such as the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or cooperation with more centrist parties such as the Democratic Alliance (the classical liberal party and second largest party in the country), the Inkatha Freedom Party (a conservative and traditional Zulu party), the Freedom Front Plus Party (a party representing conservative Afrikaner interests), the Patriotic Alliance (a populistic coloured party) and some other smaller parties.

The ANC’s decision to choose the latter option was considered to be a wise choice by a majority of South Africans as well as by the international community. Since the announcement of a Government of National Unity (GNU) which, in practice, is for all intents and purposes a multi-party coalition, there is renewed hope that South Africa can begin to address its problems.

The new Government of National Unity offers opportunities for participation by former opposition parties, especially the Democratic Alliance, the Inkatha Freedom Party and the Freedom Front Plus. During the first few months of this new government, however, it was clear that the ANC will still do everything in its power to impose its own policy preferences on the new government, with few concessions being made to other parties.

An important question over the next months, especially in the run-up to South Africa’s next municipal election in 2026, will be whether the parties that currently form part of the GNU will succeed in keeping the government going, in the midst of an extremely assertive ANC which will often try to continue governing as a majority party. The absence of mechanisms to limit the ANC’s influence within the government is something that already presents a challenge for some parties.

Still huge challenges ahead for South Africa

However, it is important to realise that 2024 is not 1994. South Africa is experiencing major challenges with its infrastructure that has collapsed into total disrepair over the past three decades. Crime rates have reached the highest levels ever. Corruption has become part of the culture at all levels of government and will be very difficult to eradicate. The national debt is the highest ever.

However, it is clear that foreign investment is already returning to South Africa after a major capital outflow during the past few years. The fact that load shedding (the systematic application of scheduled electricity outages over the past 12 years) has largely come to an end, together with the establishment of a moderate multi-party government, contributes to new global optimism about South Africa.

For the optimism to remain sustainable the government will have to do more to fight corruption, reduce crime, improve infrastructure and ensure a general climate of investor confidence.

In a manner of speaking, the New South Africa is being replaced by the Next South Africa. The country is now entering a new era. The new coalition government is still facing major political challenges to stay in place, establishing sustainable governments in provinces and at municipal level, and ultimately, preventing radical populist groupings from reversing the reconstruction process.

The Next South Africa is a phase offering great opportunity to improve confidence through more transparent and stable governance, leading to much-needed economic growth and job creation. Then the preservation of skills that are still flowing out of the country also becomes possible. The risks of a return to the disastrous 2010s of corruption, stagflation, increasing crime and the total decay of social cohesion are still a reality. Over the next year or two, and especially in the run-up to the municipal elections in 2026, we will have to see if South Africa can capitalise on the new window period of optimism that has opened up after the 2024 elections.

Five challenges facing the Next South Africa

As mentioned above, South Africa has huge challenges to face over the next months and years. In this International Perspective, however, I am going to focus particularly on five of these challenges because it is also of international importance that South Africa and specifically the new government here make the right decisions and take the right steps to finally put South Africa on a path of internal recovery, but also to strengthen the country’s international position.

Economic growth

South Africa’s economy grew by just 0,6% in 2023, after already sluggish growth of only 1,9% in 2022. Levels of economic growth that could lead to a drop in unemployment in South Africa were last seen during the 2000s. Economic growth of barely 1% is expected for this year.

There are several reasons for the stagnation of the South African economy over the past 15 years. While economic growth for the first 15 years after 1994 often was between 5% and 6%, since 2009 it has mainly been between 1% and 2% per year. With inflation mostly between 4% and 10% over the past 15 years, coupled with a sharply increasing population, these 15 years of low economic growth have been catastrophic for South Africa’s unemployment rate, poverty levels and government finances.

The period of low economic growth coincides with a period of serious corruption and the decay of infrastructure. Massive corruption that drastically increased input costs in state-owned companies, coupled with so-called load shedding (daily scheduled electricity cuts) caused by severe electricity shortages, were probably the main reasons for the low economic growth in the last 15 years.

However, what is increasingly contributing to low economic growth and a loss of foreign investment is the policy environment in South Africa. Continued populist policy proposals such as the expropriation of property without compensation, which seriously threatens property rights, stricter black economic empowerment laws (the strictest such intervention worldwide currently) which create room for corruption, lead to skill losses, discourage foreign investment and bring extra costs for the government in its procurement policy, all contribute to a policy environment that inhibits economic growth.

In May last year, there was a huge outflow of foreign investment in South Africa after a diplomatic dispute arose between South Africa and the United States of America. The South African government has not yet considered the effect of its foreign policy, and specifically its ties with Russia, Iran and even China, and the impact it has on foreign investment. South Africa’s decision to try to take the lead in a case against Israel at the World Court, while our country actually is not only geographically but also economically completely removed from the Middle East, has also not contributed to positive sentiment towards South Africa in places such as New York and London.

Ultimately, South Africa could easily fall back into a position of anarchy, or populist forces in the ANC could gain the upper hand, should economic growth not be achieved by the current government. The fact that load shedding has come to an end and that there have been no electricity outages for almost six months now is a very positive trend.

Foreign investment is badly needed and bringing it back sustainably will require a broad-based approach, which includes drastic improvements to infrastructure, a substantial reduction in corruption and other crimes, especially violent crimes, and broad investment confidence based on a stable policy environment that ensures property rights and impose fewer regulations on the private sector. Six out of ten (62%) South Africans trust the business sector to do the right thing, according to the Edelman Trust Barometer 2024. It is essential that the government should create space for the private sector to contribute to the economic recovery of the country and even play a leading role in it.

Violent crime and corruption

Last year, an average of 85 people were murdered per day in South Africa. Since 1994, more than half a million murders have been committed in the country. Serious violent crimes in South Africa reached the highest levels ever by the end of 2023.

Along with this, South Africa has been increasingly affected by extensive levels of corruption in recent years. Corruption is particularly a problem at all levels of government – local, provincial and national – but is also increasing at other levels of society, including the private sector.

Investigating crimes in South Africa and successfully prosecuting criminals with too few police members and especially detectives, weak courts including often inexperienced and even incompetent public prosecutors and magistrates, is still one of the country’s biggest challenges.

South Africa was greylisted by the global financial crime watchdog Financial Action Task Force (FATF) in February 2023 for not complying with international standards around the prevention of money laundering, terrorist financing and proliferation financing. This creates a further challenge for the South African economy because the perception exists that South Africa’s legal system has weakened to such an extent that even international crime groups and syndicates can easily operate from South Africa, continuing their activities such as money laundering and the financing of terrorist activities, especially in Africa. It currently looks like South Africa will only be removed from the FATF’s grey list in late 2025 at the earliest.

The crime problem in South Africa therefore is multifaceted. Common crimes and violent crimes are rooted in broken communities, poverty, unemployment and a culture of criminality. However, the problem is much greater, with extensive corruption and even international criminal activities that threaten to engulf South Africa.

The new minister of police is without a doubt more capable than his predecessor, who inspired little confidence over the past few years. However, it will take drastic steps, comprehensive leadership and major plans to curb the crime problem in South Africa. We are currently seeing too little of that.

Infrastructure

Since 2016, public sector capital expenditure has steadily declined by R82 billion. This represents a decrease of 29%, according to Statistics SA. In particular, it is the many large state-owned companies, provincial governments and local governments that have reduced infrastructure owing to a growing debt burden, unsustainable and rapidly growing staff costs and rising corruption.

South Africa’s electricity problems, which caused serious damage to the economy, were followed by a systematic collapse of some rail services, huge problems at ports, a general deterioration in roads and nowadays also serious problems with water supply.

It is essential that South Africa’s credit rating should improve. S&P Global Ratings

has put the country’s foreign currency rating at “BB-/B” and local currency rating at “BB/B” with a stable outlook. This can hopefully start to improve by next year if the improvement in electricity supply can be followed by solutions to problems in rail transport, ports and roads. Along with this, it is essential that the state’s finances must improve, in light of the current increase in debt which is unsustainable and which means that less money can be spent on infrastructure.

The Government of National Unity has no doubt raised hopes that some infrastructure problems will be better resolved. While better ministers have been appointed in various portfolios, it is, however, necessary that more powers of supervision and control over infrastructure must be devolved to provinces. The scale of corruption in infrastructure spending is still a huge problem.

One of South Africa’s weakest points is the state of municipalities. During the 2022/2023 financial year, the auditor-general identified a total of 268 substantial irregularities in the country’s 257 municipalities which led to a loss of more than R5 billion. Only 29% of municipalities received clean audits during this period, which means that only 34 of the 257 municipalities received a clean audit, compared to the already low number of 38 in the previous financial year.

Most of South Africa’s municipalities are almost dysfunctional with little service delivery such as refuse removal, water supply and road repairs. Many municipalities spend more than 80% of their budgets on salaries and have little, if any, money left to improve infrastructure. A huge task lies ahead for the capable leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party, Velenkosini Hlabisa, who in the GNU was tasked, among other things, with helping municipalities get their act together.

Service delivery

A majority of South Africans have lost their trust in the government. The new GNU offers a glimmer of hope for many, but people are wary of getting too optimistic. High expectations of better service delivery, including housing, medical care, social care, education, post-school training, public transport and access to clean water, sewerage, electricity and other municipal services, were the order of the day during the 1990s and early 2000s. Since then, however, it has faded.

Over the past two decades, large protests, sometimes even violent, have increased in South Africa. This is mostly related to problems with service delivery. Service delivery is also one of the most important political issues for a majority of South Africans.

The reason why I highlight this as one of the most important current challenges is the effect it can have on political stability in South Africa in the run-up to the next municipal election. Voters, with good reason, link municipal elections directly to service delivery, and for this reason the extent to which service delivery improves or deteriorates over the next almost two years can have a significant effect on the political balance of power in South Africa.

Populist parties such as the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MK) are going to use problems with service delivery to their advantage over the next months to turn voters against the GNU, but also to radicalise voters, to increase protests and even violence and to fuel political tension.

While the GNU has a primary task of stabilising the national government in South Africa, particularly in terms of the state’s finances, combating crime and corruption and creating a climate conducive to economic growth, it is also essential that substantial evidence of an improvement in service delivery will have to be shown.

In one field, education, it has been clear lately that populists are prepared to try to transform the small amount of successful schools that could harm education in South Africa even further.

Foreign relations

South Africa’s foreign relations have suffered greatly in recent years. Under the leadership of the previous minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Naledi Pandor, South Africa’s relationship with the United States, but also with other Western countries, suffered a lot. This was mainly due to South Africa’s close cooperation with Russia, Iran and China and South Africa’s numerous pronouncements against Israel.

Although there are huge opportunities for South Africa in the broadening of its foreign relations, also within the BRICS grouping, South Africa’s ties with the West are still essential for economic success.

This year, like last year, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa was not invited to the G7 summit (held in Japan and Italy, respectively) after the South African head of state had been invited every year for twenty years before that. It is clear that there is great concern among all the G7 countries about South Africa’s reliability as a non-aligned country.

Although Western countries are comfortable with South Africa as a non-aligned country, for the last few years it increasingly seems that South Africa’s words and actions on this do not match. A huge task lies ahead to restore this trust.

The best opportunity for South Africa is the G20 summit that will take place in South Africa in 2025. In the run-up to this summit, South Africa can reaffirm its position as the gateway to Africa for countries in the West and the Global South. However, this will require a much greater degree of restraint in the country’s foreign relations – something that has yet to happen.

If South Africa wants to solve its problems of stagnation, smarter foreign relations, which strengthen trust and therefore lead to greater investments and stronger trade relations, are essential. The GNU should regard this as a primary objective.

Summary

The Government of National Unity has transformed strong feelings of apathy, public displeasure and even anger among South Africans into feelings of hope and optimism. However, these feelings will not last long if concrete successes, especially economic, in the fight against crime and in the improvement of service delivery and infrastructure, are not achieved.

The GNU is also viewed with cautious optimism internationally. Worldwide, South Africa is still regarded as a country of huge potential. Owing to the growth in population, but also economic growth in Africa, many multinational companies still consider South Africa as the ideal country to serve as a starting point for business in Africa.

Fifteen things must be accomplished by the end of 2025, i.e. 15 months from now, to show that the phase of decay in South Africa has been successfully reversed:

Plans for land expropriation without compensation must not proceed and property rights must be confirmed.
The state’s finances must be better controlled, with the debt burden in particular to be reduced so that the country’s credit rating can improve.
Foreign investors must be lured back by offering a stable policy environment that is more favourable to foreign investment.
Economic growth must rise substantially – higher than what is currently expected.
South Africa must be removed from the international grey list.
Accomplices to state capture must be prosecuted and corruption in the public service must be actively curbed with a national strategy to track down and successfully prosecute corrupt public service officials.
The criminal justice system needs to be improved in its entirety, with the police, courts and prisons all having to play a greater role in contributing to the eradication of crime.
The incidence of crime, especially violent crimes, must begin to decrease with a clear plan from the government and police to reduce crime sustainably.
The problems with South Africa’s rail service and ports must be addressed with a clear improvement in the handling of freight transport.
South Africa must go to great lengths to reassert its position as a truly non-aligned country, which will require greater caution in dealing with Russia, Iran and similar countries.
A favourable G20 summit must be presented where South Africa presents itself within the context of “New to Next South Africa”.
The loss of skills must be curtailed by making it attractive for skilled and competent South Africans to stay in South Africa.
Minority rights must be better protected and the extremely high levels of discrimination against minorities, such as the current attack on schools where Afrikaans is the language of instruction, must be stopped.
Civil society must organise itself even better and act as an important guardian over the priorities of the GNU to be a source of moderate criticism and deliver constructive criticism and concrete proposals, in contrast to the criticism of left-populist (and often hateful) groups.
The proposed national dialogue, which was put forward even before the election and since then has been especially encouraged by former President Thabo Mbeki and organisations such as the Solidarity Movement, must take place with a focus on allowing a broader segment of South African society effective participation in the future of South Africa.

The next 15 months are likely to be a critical period for South Africa. Prior to the election in May, the country was on the brink of becoming a failed state. While there are signs of hope and optimism, this certainly does not mean that the country now is in a safer position away from the precipice. The international community must play a role in influencing South Africa’s policy environment, remain economically involved and especially help strengthen democracy, help promote minority rights and create a platform where the future of South Africa can be discussed and considered from different quarters, and not only from the position of the ANC, which now is no longer a majority government.

Jaco Kleynhans

Head: International Liaison, Solidarity Movement

South Africa entering a new phase, filled with opportunity and risk

Posted on September 5, 2024 by anneke

However, it became clear, especially during the last decade, that a large section of these South Africans began to lose their patience with the ANC. The combination of poor service delivery, decaying infrastructure, violent and other crimes and the rise in unemployment and poverty proved to be enough for millions of voters who had voted for the ANC in 1994. Along with this, there is a whole new generation of young South Africans today who have little to no hope in politics, and especially in the ANC.

In 2024, the voting percentage among black South Africans dropped to the lowest level since 1994. Black South Africans who have had enough of the ANC’s mismanagement voted for opposition parties in very small numbers – most of them either voted for the MK or simply did not vote. Less than 40% of all eligible potential voters in South Africa voted. Of the 27.7 million registered voters only 16.2 million cast their vote. After the participation peak of 89.3% in 1999, the voting percentage has dropped to 58.6% in 2024. There are, however, another 13 million adult South Africans who did not even bother to register to vote. Thus, out of a total of more than 40 million eligible voters, only 16 million participated in the election.

The reason for the elevated levels of apathy among black South Africans, in particular, is precisely the feeling that politics, and specifically democracy, no longer offer solutions for their challenges. According to a 2024 study, conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council, 57% of South Africans are dissatisfied with democracy in South Africa.

After this year’s general election, it was clear that the ANC would have to form coalitions with other parties at national level, but also in some of the provinces to establish a stable government. The choice was clear – either cooperation with radical leftist parties such as the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or cooperation with more centrist parties such as the Democratic Alliance (the classical liberal party and second largest party in the country), the Inkatha Freedom Party (a conservative and traditional Zulu party) and the Freedom Plus Party (a party representing conservative Afrikaner interests), The Patriotic Alliance (a populistic colored party) and some other smaller parties.

The ANC’s decision to choose the latter option was considered to be a wise choice by a majority of South Africans as well as by the international community. Since the announcement of a Government of National Unity which, in practice, is for all intents and purposes a multi-party coalition, there is renewed hope that South Africa can begin to address its problems.

However, it is important to realize that 2024 is not 1994. South Africa is experiencing major challenges with its infrastructure that has collapsed into total disrepair over the past three decades. Crime rates have reached the highest levels ever. Corruption has become part of the culture at all levels of government, and it will be very difficult to eradicate it. The national debt is the highest ever.

However, it is clear foreign investment is already returning to South Africa after a major capital outflow during the past few years. The fact that load-shedding (the systematic application of scheduled electricity outages over the past 12 years) has largely come to an end, together with the establishment of a moderate multi-party government contributes to new global optimism about South Africa.

For the optimism to remain sustainable the government will have to do more to fight corruption, reduce crime, improve infrastructure and ensure a general climate of investor confidence.

The Next South Africa is a phase offering great opportunity to improve confidence through clearer, stable governance, leading to much-needed economic growth and job creation. Then the preservation of skills that are still flowing out of the country also becomes possible. The risks of a return to the disastrous 2010s of corruption, stagflation, increasing crime and the total decay of social cohesion are still a reality. Over the next year or two, and especially in the run-up to the municipal elections in 2026, we will have to see if South Africa can capitalize on the new window period of optimism that has opened up after the 2024 elections.

The Solidarity Movement, Afrikaners and the challenges we face

Posted on September 4, 2024September 4, 2024 by anneke

Flip Buys | Chairperson: Solidarity Movement

Afrikaners are the only indigenous Western community in Africa, and they have named themselves (Afrikaners), their language (Afrikaans) and many of their institutions after the name of the continent.

As a community of 2,7 million people, Afrikaners have often been called the “white tribe of Africa”. Afrikaners want to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of South Africa and of all its people. For this reason, the Solidarity Movement is trying to create the conditions for Afrikaners to remain in South Africa, being sustainably free, safe and prosperous. The majority of Afrikaners are involved in the Solidarity Movement, a network of community organizations with more than 600 000 members. The Movement’s strategy is to provide services there where the state cannot, does not want to or should not provide services.

Most Afrikaners are Christians, subscribing to conservative values such as:

A belief in the Rule of Law;
A free market economy;
Democracy and individual rights;
Federalism;
Good relations with black compatriots and African states;
Maintaining strong ties with the West; and
Preserving the Afrikaner’s language (Afrikaans) and culture.

The main challenges we are currently facing are:

SA has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world, namely 33%; (The reason for it lies in the ANC’s leftist policies in particular. The ANC is still formally in alliance with the South African Communist Party and with socialist trade unions.)
The ANC-led government of national unity’s ties with states such as China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela and Cuba, as well as organizations such as Hamas, and the ANC’s increasingly dismissive attitude towards the West.
State decay as illustrated by this map

Municipal water and sanitation compliance

The ANC did not abolish the racial dispensation after 1994 but simply reversed it and put it under new management. Few people know that research by the Free Market Foundation (FMF) and the South Africa Institute of Race Relations found that 116 new racial laws have been passed since the ANC came into power 30 years ago

Violent crime;
Official policies such as expropriation without compensation which undermine economic confidence;

The Solidarity Movement is currently building the cultural infrastructure so that Afrikaners can stay on in South African and can make a sustainable contribution towards the well-being of the country and all its people.

State decay and racial legislation have forced Afrikaners to become more state-resistant and self-reliant. That is why the Movement has more than 20 self-help organizations providing services such as education, training, a proper “state of work” (job security), safety, municipal infrastructure, heritage conservation and the promotion of the Rule of Law. We also assist black communities with agricultural projects also for the sake of better food security.

Our current flagship project is a comprehensive project to build a university campus for our fast-growing Christian university, Akademia. We are also planning an independent Afrikaans schools’ network in response to the government’s policy to centralize control over schools even more.

This is but one example of the ANC government’s breach of the country’s Constitution and the historic 1994 Agreement.

The purpose of the Solidarity Movement’s international liaison is to create awareness about the state of affairs in South Africa and to garner support for our views and self-help projects.

Academics from Hillsdale College visit South Africa

Posted on August 23, 2024August 23, 2024 by anneke

Three highly educated and respected academic personnel from Hillsdale College in Michigan, USA, took a trip to South Africa where they encountered insightful and meaningful experiences they can take home.

David Whalen, Mark Kalthoff and Mark Maier engaged with the students and personnel of Akademia through insightful lectures about various topics on the liberal arts.

Hillsdale College is an independent institution of higher learning founded in 1844 by men and women “grateful to God for the inestimable blessings” resulting from civil and religious liberty and “believing that the diffusion of learning is essential to the perpetuity of these blessings”.

In simpler terms, Hilldale defines itself as “a small, Christian, classical liberal arts college in Southern Michigan that operates independently of government funding”.

Their teachings specialize in liberal arts, focusing on classical fundamentals, timeless truths and inspirational teaching. The college also considers itself a trustee of our Western philosophical and theological inheritance tracing to Athens and Jerusalem, a heritage finding its clearest expression in the American experiment of self-government under law.

“Liberal learning produces cultivated citizens with minds disciplined and furnished through wide and deep study of old books by wise authors,” wrote Mark Kalthoff, PhD.

Professors from Hillsdale College gave lectures at Akademia

By training people in the liberal arts, Hillsdale College prepares them to become well-educated and virtuous citizens willing to defend the blessing of civil and religious freedom Americans have inherited from their Founders.

During their visit, the professors got the opportunity to learn more about the Solidarity Movement and its institutions. Sol-Tech, AfriForum, Kanton, Solidarity, and the Voortrekker Monument were all part of the tour.

“I haven’t stopped learning since I got here,” Dr Whalen laughed. “This is my first time visiting South Africa, and I didn’t know what to expect. Seeing the institutions, learning more about the Afrikaner culture and connecting with nature has been a wonderful experience thus far.”

Dr. David M. Whalen teaches English at Hillsdale College

Leaders of the Solidarity Movement visited Hillsdale in the past and explained how they took inspiration from the Hillsdale campus and community to implement it at Akademia and Sol-Tech.

Inspiration such as the sense of community and the Christian values and ethics, among other things, were taken from Hillsdale and implemented successfully at Akademia and Sol-Tech. Another similarity is that Hillsdale is independent of government funding and values, and follows a more conservative, old-school ideology.

Whalen was also amazed by the enthusiasm of the Akademia students and personnel. “These persons have so much interest in the liberal arts and asks deep and intelligent questions. Their enthusiasm and interest reminded me to never take my work for granted.”

Although lectures and intellectual conversations are intriguing, the highlight of their visit – all three professors agree on this – was during their stay at Dinokeng Nature Reserve when a pride of lions roamed just outside their tent.

The Solidarity Movement is always proud to welcome international guests. We wish these professors from Hillsdale College a safe flight back home and we hope they are inspired to continue the great work in their field. We sincerely hope they value what they have learned from us as much as we value what we have learned from them.

No culture can be considered without what it had built

Posted on August 14, 2024 by anneke

Article for Rapport newspaper by Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement

Let’s build living spaces for Afrikaans, because buildings provide security, writes Flip Buys

The greatness of a culture is usually measured by the greatness of what it has built.

It is for this reason that, to this day, humanity still stands in awe of the pyramids the ancient Egyptians had built some 4 600 years ago. The pyramids are still regarded as miracles, and archaeologists have been speculating for years about how the Egyptians had managed to accomplish it. There is consensus, though, that the construction of the pyramids was only possible as a result of sophisticated engineering, architecture, mathematics, science, astronomy and logistics.

Moreover, construction work of that magnitude required advanced forms of political organisation, economic development, management, organisation, scholarship and training.

Today’s archaeologists say that the ancient Egyptians had built the pyramids. However, in reality it was the pyramids that time had indeed at the same developed the Egyptians as a highly developed civilisation. What is meant by this is that the centuries-long construction work of the pyramids and other infrastructure a developed society needed, had also shaped the Egyptians’ culture.

As Winston Churchill said: “Initially, we shape our buildings; thereafter they shape us”.

After all, construction work of the magnitude of the pyramids requires an advanced culture, capable of undertaking major collaborative projects, mustering the resources for it, planning and organising them efficiently, putting together the workforce for the projects, and it requires the leadership and expertise to carry out the work successfully.

Of course, the same also applies to all the advanced ancient civilisations that rose in China, Persia, Greece and India. The Romans’ roads, bridges, aqueducts, theatres and cities made Roman life possible and conveyed and spread their culture widely. This laid the foundation of modern Western Europe. No culture can be conceived without what it has built because a cultural community lives in, by and through its institutions and the buildings that accommodate it.

It also underpins our history. For example, Pres. Paul Kruger was not only a state builder but also a city builder. He played a major role in the development of Pretoria from a dusty little town to a capital city. In this regard, think about the Ou Raadsaal (Old Council Hall), the Palace of Justice, museums, hospitals, schools and the forts built around Pretoria. In reality, buildings constitute a nation’s cultural infrastructure. They “build” culture insofar as the “Raadsaal” was the centre of the constitutional Republic, whereas the Palace of Justice was the centre of the judicial authority, while schools were the places where knowledge and culture have been imparted to the next generation.

In later years, Afrikaners constructed buildings all over the country which in turn developed their (the Afrikaners’) culture. In this regard think of the buildings constructed for educational, economic, cultural, medical, military and other purposes.

As a young student the university anthem of the then Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education (informally known as die Pukke) sounded rather old-fashioned and sad to me: “Gebore uit die nag van smaad, sien ons jou staan as wonderdaad …” (Loosely translated: Emerging from a night of humiliation, we see you stand as a miracle deed …) Like most of the other students I took the modern campus where we studied during the late eighties for granted. Little did I know that if you yourself got something for free, it did not mean that it came about without costs, as other people had paid dearly for it. Later on, I realised just what a miracle the university really was, and what great sacrifice it cost for it to rise from the ground before and after the Anglo-Boer War.

In 1897 Pres. Paul Kruger himself left £100 – a huge sum of money at the time– for student bursaries. The first rector, Prof. Jan Lion-Cachet, was arrested by the British and his son was shot and killed in the war. However, the Potchefstroom University’s story is not the exception. The history of universities such as the University of Stellenbosch, Unisa, the University of Pretoria (popularly known as Tuks), the University of the Orange Free State (Kovsies) and the Rand Afrikaans University (RAU) tell similar stories of thinking big and beginning small. Most of them were established by churches and communities without the availability of major government funding.

The Kenyan scholar Ali Mazrui aptly said the community must first raise the university before the university can help raise the community. The connection between community and university has also been affirmed by Gen. Jan Smuts when he expressed the wish in 1910 that the University of Pretoria would become for the then Transvaal what Oxford was for England.

Afrikaans, an Afrikaans life and the transfer of a language and a culture are impossible without educational institutions that can accommodate that language and culture. The question is why schools, colleges and universities are of such importance for language and cultural communities.

Albert Einstein provided the best reply in this regard. He said that the magnificent things a generation learns at school and university are the collective effort of many generations. All this is put in their hands as their inheritance in order that they may receive it, add to it, and one day pass it on to their children.

The purpose of cultural infrastructure is not to isolate a group or to exclude others, but rather the opposite. It already creates the space to live together with other people, almost like a house that is built so that a family can live together with their neighbours in a residential area. A house consists of various rooms, each with its own purpose. The same applies to a cultural household – there are spaces for education, training, language, social care and the preservation of heritage. This is the reason why the Solidarity Movement has been systematically building an entire cultural ecosystem over the past decade or so.

If the conditions are created for Afrikaners and the Afrikaans community to live here sustainably, we will be able to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people.

Buildings are important because “place” provides safety and “spaces” provide freedom.

The challenge is to build this cultural infrastructure without the help of the state. This is the reason why the Solidarity Movement established a property company called Kanton a few years ago. The most famous project Kanton has successfully undertaken is the construction of the Sol-Tech campus and residences in Centurion. Kanton’s aim is to establish a partnership between culture and capital by obtaining investments from the private sector to build spaces for Afrikaans.

Investors earn monetary return while also getting a cultural dividend in the form of a university. At the same time planning is already underway for the establishment of an independent schools’ network. We believe that an Afrikaans university is vital for the survival of Afrikaans.

Second, mother tongue instruction remains the best medium for education and training, while also equipping students to be fully competent in English workplaces. This is best proven by the fact that top Afrikaans people who had studied at single-medium Afrikaans universities nowadays hold prestigious positions abroad.

After years of well-conceived work and planning, Akademia and Kanton are launching the Builders of the Future Campaign with the aim of offering people and institutions with the capital means an opportunity to invest in Akademia’s planned new campus in Pretoria East. The wider public will also get an opportunity to make investments at a later stage.

The British scholar Roger Scruton said that a society can only survive if each generation lives for the next generation. Kanton is building for the next generation and wants to give the current generation the opportunity to build together with us.

The idea is not to build monuments for our ancestors but to build living institutions for the new generation. Now is the time for creative innovation, based on proven values.

Relevant article: Akademia and Kanton announced monumental campus development

AfriForum’s Lichtenburg branch repairs hundreds of potholes

Posted on August 5, 2024August 8, 2024 by anneke

Adapted from Maroela Media

The AfriForum branch in Lichtenburg completed several successful pothole repair projects during July 2024 thanks to the assistance and donations received from the community. A total of 21,3 tons of tar was used to repair potholes in Lichtenburg. This is proof of the community’s unwavering commitment to road safety.

In 2nd Avenue, 110 potholes were repaired with 138 bags of tar and one drum of SS 60 bitumen. The residents of 2nd Avenue donated this material. In Mathew Street, 42 potholes were repaired with three bags of cement, 40 bags of tar and 50 litres of SS 60 bitumen, all donated by Westvaal Isuzu, Lichtenburg.

Potholes are an increasing challenge in South Africa, especially in rural areas where the corrupt municipalities do not look after the safety and needs of the residents. The last two years have produced shocking statistics on road accidents and deaths due to potholes in the Free State.

At the corner of 8th Avenue and 3rd Street, the entire intersection, which had been in tatters for the past three years, has been repaired. Here 12 bags of cement were used to fill up deep holes. Afterwards, the entire crossing (301 m) was tarred with 10 tons of hot tar and one drum of SS 60 bitumen. This could be done thanks to a huge donation by NWK Lichtenburg. Members of the community offered their help, for example to transport the tar.

In Church Street, a trench dug for a power cable was repaired with 15 bags of tar, donated by Neokor Sekuriteit. In Transvaal Street, 65 potholes were repaired, using 100 bags of tar and half a drum of SS 60 bitumen. Two tons of hot tar were used to tar the Dada Centre’s entrance and exit in Church Street. The Dada Centre made this donation.

Hans Nel Bande again donated the material for the 56 potholes in Transvaal Street to be repaired. These holes were filled with six bags of cement, after which two tons of hot tar and half a drum of SS 60 bitumen were used.

“July was AfriForum’s national pothole month, during which the civil rights organisation repaired as many potholes as possible nationwide,” says Armand Viljoen, AfriForum’s district coordinator. “The aim of this project is to make an immediate impact on a town’s road infrastructure. Better roads result in fewer road accidents and ensure that emergency services can get to their destinations faster.”

Local businesses and community members are encouraged to get involved in the Lichtenburg branch’s pothole project by making tar donations and at the same time nominating specific streets for repairs.

This project is proof once again that a community does not have to be at the mercy of the government’s poor service delivery. By working together, an environment can be created where the community can flourish. Doing and building it yourself is possible.

AfriForum encourages residents across the country to join a branch nearest to their town and become part of the projects. Pothole by pothole we are making South Africa a better place to live.

Akademia and Kanton announced monumental campus development

Posted on August 2, 2024August 2, 2024 by anneke

On the 1st of August, the real estate development company Kanton launched the new campus development project of Akademia in Pretoria as part of the Toekomsbouer (future builder) campaign. This campus project is the largest development project in the history of the Afrikaans language and culture communities and represents a major historical turning point to ensure the sustainability of higher education in Afrikaans. Akademia has been using interim infrastructure solutions since 2012. The full-time campus model started in 2021 and expanded so that there now are two campuses, four residences, two day houses as well as the administrative head office – currently situated at various sites in Centurion. The new comprehensive residential campus in the east of Pretoria will offer the institution the opportunity to consolidate its growth over the past decade and to give its future campus students a fixed address where they can experience an active and exciting student life. “The new campus is the realisation of a big dream. This requires the strength of an aligned community that can achieve the seemingly impossible through unity and cooperation,” Marthinus Visser, managing director of Akademia, said. “In light of this, the Toekomsbouer campaign is a call on the community to become part of an incredible opportunity – something the Afrikaans language and culture communities have not experienced for quite some time. It offers an opportunity where hope and a legacy will be physically established.”

Project scope

The development will be located in Pretoria, eight kilometres from Solomon Mahlangu Drive on the Boschkop Road in the east of Pretoria. The new campus offers Akademia the opportunity to make available a complete and extensive academic programme offering across all its faculties that will meet the comprehensive demand of prospective students. This campus will also cater for 5 000 full-time undergraduate students and nearly 1 500 postgraduate students. Four men’s and four women’s residences will accommodate 1 500 students on campus. “Phase one of the project will amount to approximately R1,8 billion and will be completed on 1 January 2028, while the total development cost will be more than R3 billion. The second phase involves the completion of the academic campus and residences, followed by the sports facilities, chapel and auditorium,” Henk Schalekamp, managing director of Kanton, explained. “We are going to build a giant monument for Afrikaans higher education. These include office blocks, lecture halls, laboratories, an auditorium, dedicated research halls, a cafeteria, restaurants, coffee shops, a student centre, library, residences, staff accommodation and world-class sports facilities for rugby, cricket, netball, tennis, athletics, hockey, swimming, including indoor sports,” Schalekamp added. “There is also an experimental farm planned for the Faculties Natural Sciences and Agriculture.”

Marthinus Visser (left) and Henk Schalekamp (right)

Project partners and financing

Kanton serves as a vehicle for financing the development of the new Akademia campus. Kanton was born from an innovative new approach for supporting Afrikaans cultural institutions. “Our business model is based on a partnership between culture and capital that promotes the objectives of community institutions by providing access to the necessary living spaces, but also as a full-fledged real estate investment company to offer both a financial and cultural return to its investors,” Schalekamp explained. “Kanton’s success is confirmed by the Sol-Tech Campus, which was delivered on time and within budget. By developing projects such as a residence for Sol-Tech and now a campus for Akademia, Kanton proves its ability to grow and manage portfolios profitably. This while external investors will also be offered the opportunity to be part of this unique opportunity,” Schalekamp said. To ensure that the structure and investment platform supports the goals of Kanton, the planning and structuring of the company was done in collaboration with Pallidus. The latter specialises in independent corporate financial advice, investment banking and investment management to enable the growth and expansion of Kanton in the various phases. The funding model has the characteristics of normal real estate and infrastructure models and is used to provide investment opportunities. Kanton will initially approach institutions and wealthy individuals to get involved through an investment. When a critical amount of funds is raised for the project to continue, an opportunity will be offered to the community to get involved through smaller investments. For now, to everyone together who are excited about the project, the call is simple: Dream together by becoming a future builder (toekomsbouer) and follow the progress of this great project at www.toekomsbouer.co.za. Further information for individual investments will be made available to campaign participants shortly.

Media inquiries:

media@kanton.co.za

More about Akademia

Akademia is a Christian, classical and independent higher education institution from and for Afrikaans language and culture communities. Akademia strives to be an academic home where the mind and heart are shaped with a view to a free future. Students have a choice between an after-hours distance learning over a nationwide network of centres or via e-learning and full-time studies at two interim campuses in Centurion. The after-hour distance model is ideal for students who want to work or pursue other interests while studying. Since 2021, the full-time campus model has offered a safe home for Fonties (Akademia students) who attend class during the day and participate in a vibrant student life. Click here for more information about Akademia.

Afrikaner Foundation, AfriForum raise support in USA

Posted on July 30, 2024July 30, 2024 by anneke

Source: Maroela Media

The international community is increasingly becoming aware of the challenges confronting minorities such as the Afrikaners in South Africa, as well as the kind of solutions the institutions of the Solidarity Movement come up with to address these challenges. This is the overall observation of the representatives of the Afrikaner Foundation and AfriForum who have recently returned from a support-raising tour to the USA.

During this visit, Ernst Roux, executive director of the Afrikaner Foundation, and Ernst van Zyl, head of public relations at AfriForum, participated in various conferences, functions and networking discussions. Two highlights of the visit were the NatCon conference in Washington, D.C. (also known as NatCon 4), at which Roets was a speaker, and the launch of the Afrikaner Foundation in New York at an event hosted by the New York Young Republicans. On both occasions Roets referred to the South African government’s reckless policy framework and the solutions that Afrikaners come up with under these circumstances to create a free, safe and prosperous future at the southern tip of Africa. In this regard, the emphasis fell on the establishment of a network of community institutions.

Ernst Roets at an event of the New York Young Republicans

Roets stated that it is necessary to bring the kinds of problems that minorities such as the Afrikaners in South Africa are confronted with to the attention of the international community, especially because there has been a perception for some time that the South African political dispensation has become a kind of gold standard that should be followed by the rest of the world, while the opposite is true in many respects. “However, it is far more important to talk about solutions than to talk about problems. We have experienced that it is especially through our approach to solutions and our optimism about the future that Afrikaners are being rediscovered by the international community, but in the Western world in particular,” he added.

Van Zyl said the sincere interest in and admiration for Afrikaners’ state-resistant solutions have increased dramatically abroad, especially among Americans and Europeans. “The saying ‘’n boer maak ‘n plan’ (which literally means a farmer makes a plan) has expanded from being a local saying about Afrikaners’ ability to come up with a plan for everything, to an international saying. It is encouraging to know that our successes and what we are building not only inspire and give our people in South Africa hope, but also do so for people abroad,” Van Zyl concluded.

The Afrikaner Foundation is a new institution in the broader Solidarity Movement and is focused on mobilising international support.