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The world could stumble into a Third World War – Flip Buys

Posted on January 14, 2026January 14, 2026 by Mariska Nanni

By Flip Buys, Chairperson of the Solidarity Movement

Illustration. (Photo: Duncan Kidd/Unsplash)

“Russia has brought war back to Europe, and we must be prepared for the scale of war our grandparents and great grandparents endured,” NATO chief Mark Rutte said in December, referring to World Wars I and II. Rutte’s stark warning was followed by similar warnings about the danger of a continental war against Russia from German Chancellor, Friedrich Merz, German Defence Minister, Boris Pistorius, NATO’s Military Chief Admiral, Rob Bauer, and senior leaders from Britain, Poland, Sweden, and Norway.

Although Russia’s conventional forces are not strong enough to fight against the entire NATO, three factors give Europeans sleepless nights:

the first is that the US government wants Europe to take care of its own security, because the US wants to focus on China;
Europe cannot stand up to Russian military mass production, and
the Russians have the world’s largest nuclear arsenal, and their military doctrine includes its use under certain conditions.

The terrifying warning of nuclear physicist Albert Einstein looms before humanity once again: If there is a Third World War, the fourth will have to be fought with sticks and stones. Einstein, of course, meant that another global war could destroy the world.

Ukraine

Military experts consider the war in Ukraine to be the most dangerous international conflict since the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. There is a danger that it could escalate into a large-scale European war, which could include tactical nuclear weapons. The most important elements of such a nightmare are already present, and the situation is reminiscent of the run-up to World War I. These include:

two sides with irreconcilable positions, each strongly believing in its cause;
no formal peace negotiations, and both powers fighting for a military victory;
both sides escalating their objectives since the start of the war;
it is not just a regional conflict – several major powers with nuclear weapons are involved; and
the alliance system increases the chances of a larger war, because an “attack on one is considered an attack on all”.

The history of war shows that a relatively limited conflict between two countries can easily escalate into a larger war between great powers. A pertinent example is the Crimean War of the 1850s between Russia on one side, and Britain, France, Turkey and Sardinia on the other.

Prof Shepard Clough, professor of history at Columbia University, described the lead-up to this war as follows:

“The war was not the result of a calculated plan, nor even of hasty last-minute decisions made under stress. It was the consequence of more than two years of fatal blundering in slow-motion by inept statesmen who had months to reflect upon the actions they took. It arose from [some leaders’] search for prestige; the competing quest for control over the Straits; the mutual naïve miscalculation of the probable reactions of other powers; the failure of those powers to make their positions clear; and the pressure of public opinion in all countries at crucial moments.”

These words also apply to the current war, because there was a very long lead-up to these tragic events during which they could have been prevented.

Goals change

Initially, the Russians’ goal was to prevent Ukraine from joining the NATO military alliance, which, from the Russian perspective, would become a “direct threat to Russian security,” in the words of President Vladimir Putin.

The Russians have now escalated this goal to a military victory and the occupation of territory, especially in the East, where a large number of Russians live.

NATO initially intended only to assist Ukraine in preventing a Russian victory and to help secure a favourable peace agreement. In the meantime, however, the West’s goal has also escalated to a military victory and the elimination of Russia as a great power.

There are normally three routes to large-scale escalation that are part of the dynamics of war:

One or both sides escalate the war to win.
One or both sides escalate the war to avoid defeat.
The war escalates unintentionally, e.g. as a result of an unforeseen event that is typical of wars.

Defend after attack

The West initially supplied Ukraine with defensive weapons, such as tanks and air defence weapons. After their goal changed to military victory, large quantities of modern offensive weapons were sent to Ukraine.

Henry Kissinger’s warning words about the mistakes made in the run-up to World War I in 1914 are still relevant today:

“They seemed oblivious to the huge casualties of the still relatively recent American Civil War, and expected a short, decisive conflict. It never occurred to them that the failure to make their alliances correspond to rational political objectives would lead to the destruction of civilisation as they knew it. Instead, the Great Powers managed to construct a diplomatic doomsday machine, though they were unaware of what they had done.”

The First World War is also a lesson that good intentions can lead to terrible outcomes. As the American thinker, Thomas Sowell, put it: “The First World War […] was said to be a war ‘to make the world safe for democracy.’ What it actually led to was the replacement of despotic dynasties by totalitarian dictatorships that were far worse”.

One shot, three wars

The assassination of the Austrian crown prince, Franz Ferdinand, by a young Serbian assassin on June 28, 1914, set in motion a chain of events. This ultimately led to two world wars in which a combined total of about 100 million people died, and then the Cold War between East and West. In history, the end of one war has often served only as a prelude to the next. For example, the oppressive peace agreement of World War I played a decisive role in the emergence of World War II. The end of this war then marked the beginning of the dangerous Cold War, which divided the world for decades into two power blocs that glared at each other over nuclear weapons.

Nuclear weapons

The question is under which circumstances one of the two sides will use nuclear weapons. The West is using its full arsenal of economic and diplomatic power, providing large-scale arms and financial assistance to Ukraine, without sending troops.

From the statements of Western leaders, it appears that there are four possible motives why the West itself might become militarily involved: if the war drags on for a long time; if there is no prospect of a diplomatic solution or a Ukrainian victory; if the economic costs for the West become too high; or if they are desperate to end the conflict quickly, for example out of fear that the Chinese will use the crisis to launch an attack on Taiwan. If the Ukrainian army is in danger of losing, the West could also step in to prevent a defeat. The last possibility is if the Ukrainians attack Russian towns or cities to provoke a major Russian counter-reaction that could involve the West in the war.

Russian nuclear weapons

President Putin has already described the tough Western sanctions as a declaration of war, which, from a Russian perspective, sets the stage for possible forceful action against NATO. Russian military doctrine provides for circumstances in which Russia would use nuclear weapons. These are:

when the Russians decide to stop the flow of Western weapons, and then attack a NATO country such as Poland, through which the weapons are moving;
when NATO forces enter the war themselves;
to prevent a Russian defeat; and
if the war becomes too long and dragged out that they want to end it at all costs.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) takes the threat of nuclear weapons so seriously that in 2022 it warned: “None of us can take the imminent danger of the use of tactical nuclear weapons lightly.”

Tactical nuclear weapons are smaller weapons designed to destroy cities or an army, and are not intercontinental ballistic missiles. However, they can quickly lead to a greater escalation where even more dangerous nuclear weapons can be used.

Other possibilities

Fortunately, the danger of an escalation to nuclear weapons certainly does not mean that it will necessarily happen. In the past, the horrific possibility of it was enough to prevent it. The Russians have already caused terrible damage in Ukraine, but have so far been very reluctant to escalate the war further. They have not yet sent in their entire army, called up large numbers of soldiers, or declared “total war”.

The best deterrent to war remains the lessons of history. The problem is that there is no convincing evidence that today’s world leaders have the historical knowledge to prevent wars. As Thomas Sowell so aptly puts it:

“The monumental tragedies of the 20th century — a worldwide Great Depression, two devastating World Wars, the Holocaust, famines killing millions in the Soviet Union and tens of millions in China — should leave us with a sobering sense of the threats to any society. But this generation’s ignorance of history leaves them free to be frivolous — until the next catastrophe strikes, and catches them completely by surprise.”

Humanity can only pray and hope that the imminent danger of an escalating war will be a powerful incentive for the warring parties to find a diplomatic solution prematurely. Fortunately, in practice, a “Third World War” will not easily break out, as the US military power is currently so overwhelming that other great powers will not simply challenge it.

The key to lasting world peace has historically been twofold: deterrence of enemies and reassurance that no attack is planned against anyone. The challenge for the US is therefore to deter China, for example, but at the same time reassure them that they will not be attacked. Then the world will be a safer place!

New Year’s message for 2026 from the Solidarity Movement: ‘We are committed to SA solutions’

Posted on January 7, 2026 by Mariska Nanni

Die In 2026 the Solidarity Movement will go full steam ahead to establish a comprehensive cultural ecosystem for the continued existence of Afrikaners. “A Boer maak ŉ plan” (a Boer comes up with a plan) still lies at the heart of our culture.

At the same time, we are working nationwide on projects for the benefit of everyone in South Africa and for the benefit other Afrikaans speakers. We are not waiting for the government to make the country a better place, but are putting our hands to the plough ourselves. For this reason, our motto for 2026 is “We will do it ourselves!” We will, however, also work together with partners who want to collaborate in rebuilding the country.

The Movement’s largest project is the construction of a new campus for Akademia, the largest independent university in the country. In addition, we will undertake major expansions to Sol-Tech, our vocational training college and will expand Solidarity Helping Hand’s social and welfare projects. Growth of the Solidarity Helping Hand’s Study Trust is a high priority because more and more people can no longer afford post-school education.

Solidarity’s network of work is also high on the agenda, as are AfriForum’s nationwide neighbourhood watches and action teams that are improving services in cities and towns. AfriForum will expand its intercultural projects to engage with other communities in a spirit of mutual recognition and respect.

At the same time, Afrikaans education will be supported to an even greater extent by our Support Centre for Schools (SCS), and the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Associations (known by the abbreviation FAK) will continue to promote and preserve the Afrikaans language, culture and heritage on a larger scale. Many other projects to promote greater cultural autonomy will also be undertaken this year.

South Africa

The Solidarity Movement believes South Africa’s problems can best be addressed if Afrikaners are involved in the country’s reconstruction. Secondly, the restoration of relations with the US is essential to overcome the country’s economic challenges. The solution to both of these challenges is talking to the US government with one voice and one message.

Our Movement represents approximately 2 million Afrikaners. We are loyal to South Africa, even if we are dissatisfied with the ANC-led government. That is why we believe it is not right when ordinary citizens have to pay the price for the ANC’s weak government and their hostile actions towards the US as a superpower. We believe the government should put South Africa’s national interests first and not alienate the world’s largest economy at the expense of thousands of people’s jobs and livelihoods.

SA solutions

We are committed to South African solutions to South African problems and find it a pity that the ANC still refuses to respect the constitutional rights of Afrikaners and to treat us as equal citizens. We do not long for the past under the National Party, but we do not look forward to the future under the ANC and their racial socialism. That is why we work for a South Africa different to the one that is in decline almost everywhere as a result of the ANC’s corruption and poor governance.

We do not speak for all Afrikaners or for all South Africans, but we believe that it is in the interests of all when the country is faring better. For this reason, we intend to also work with other Afrikaner groups, as well as the broader Afrikaans community and other cultural communities in the country and to cooperate in finding solutions to burning issues.

We regret that the US has imposed punitive measures against South Africa as they harm thousands of people, including many of our own members and supporters. We believe that it is in the US’s interests to maintain good relations with South Africa as the largest economy in Africa.

The Afrikaners

The Trump administration has made South Africa a focal point of US foreign policy, at the same time singling out Afrikaners for support and protection. The ANC government’s disagreement with this does not change the fact that it is a reality.

South Africa is an independent and sovereign country and has the right to determine its own policy. The challenge lies in the serious consequences it holds for the people of a small country when its government acts with hostility towards a superpower. We do not want the US to act with hostility towards South Africa.

For this reason, our Movement, as the largest organised group of Afrikaners, wants to actively help to defuse the conflict with the USA. This will be possible if the ANC is prepared to respect our fair and constitutional demands for cultural autonomy. A cultural accord with Afrikaners can pave the way to jointly approach the US government with a trade agreement that will be in the interests of the country and all its people.

The Afrikaner Declaration

It is necessary to point out that almost two years ago, a broadly representative group of Afrikaners already extended a hand of friendship and cooperation to the government, a hand the ANC unfortunately declined to take. The Solidarity Movement was involved in the drafting of the declaration and is a signatory of the declaration, issued early in 2024.

This declaration includes, among other things, our commitment to South Africa and an offer to help resolve the crises that affect everyone in the country. In this declaration we also endorsed the equality of all communities in the country as the basis for the participation of all of us in humanity.

At the same time, we also made it clear that a racial dispensation is not compatible with a constitutional democracy, a functioning state and a growing economy that can provide for all its people. The Afrikaner Declaration also states that we regret that some of our compatriots had to leave the country against their will because they no longer saw a future here. We still feel that conditions should rather be created for Afrikaners to remain sustainably free, safe and prosperous in South Africa so that we can make a lasting contribution to the country and all of its people.

Unfortunately, the ANC refused the hand of cooperation we extended by introducing legislation aimed at Afrikaans schools, expropriation and even harsher racial laws and this under a government of national unity.

The outcomes of the ANC’s policies are the best indicator that ANC policy has failed, even achieving the opposite of what they were intended for.

We still believe that restoration is the best model to address the crises such as poverty, unemployment and inequality that afflict our country, rather than the transformation model which is being pursued, which has proven to be part of the problem rather than the solution.

Resolution of dispute between US and SA governments urgently needed

Posted on December 1, 2025 by Mariska Nanni

Mr Cyril Ramaphosa continues to blame “misinformation” for the poor relations with the US, instead of accepting responsibility for the multiple crises in which he and his party have plunged the country. It is in the interest of both South Africa and the US that the dispute between their governments is urgently resolved.

The Solidarity Movement notes with concern the downward spiral of statements by senior leaders of these two countries. The two governments should not continue to react to each other’s statements but should instead focus on the real causes of the conflict.

The first step towards normalising relations should be the immediate appointment of ambassadors to both countries to reopen the blocked diplomatic channels. The two countries could then appoint a joint task team to investigate and resolve the smaller points of contention. The larger issues could be addressed thereafter.

The national interests of South Africa and the US must form the basis of such discussions, not differences between the governments or conflicting policies or statements. The ANC is responsible for the deterioration of relations that has been building for years and it can no longer hide behind misrepresentations and accusations of “misinformation”.

National interests

It is in both countries’ national interests to repair the deteriorating relationship. South Africa’s unemployment rate is among the highest in the world, while it is also not in the US’s interest for the South African government to align itself with America’s opponents. The solution is not to exclude South Africa from the G20, but to persuade the government to introduce the necessary policy reforms that can place South Africa on an accelerated growth trajectory to become one of the largest 20 economies.

We believe the US’s underlying reasons for the deterioration of relations between the two countries are the following:

The US belief that the ANC’s foreign policy threatens US national security;
The US government’s view that South African racial laws are incompatible with a constitutional democracy, a functioning state and a growing economy;
The fact that the ANC has historically and currently preferred to align itself with the global non-Western bloc;
The ANC’s ideological opposition to the US government’s conservative free-market policies;
The US president’s view that farm murders are fuelled by inflammatory songs such as “Kill the Boer”, that they threaten the human rights of the Afrikaner minority, and that the South African president does not condemn it while the Constitutional Court does not consider it hate speech;
The ANC’s breach of the 1994 agreement regarding Afrikaner cultural rights, e.g. through the BELA legislation;
That South African legislation threatens the property rights of the Afrikaner minority and could place the country on a slippery slope towards a Zimbabwe.

Political football

The Solidarity Movement is grateful for the US President’s concern for the lives and human rights of Afrikaners. At the same time, we want to prevent Afrikaner interests from becoming a political football between South Africa and the US. Certain South African politicians have already unfairly and unfoundedly accused us of treason and unpatriotic behaviour, and wrongly hold us responsible for the imposition of trade tariffs and the termination of financial aid to vulnerable groups.

The Solidarity Movement has repeatedly made it clear that we did not convey a message of genocide to the US president. We also do not view refugee status for Afrikaners to the US as a permanent solution, but simply as a way to help a minority whose lives have been affected or threatened by violent crime. Therefore, it is necessary for both the US and South African governments to talk directly to Afrikaners rather than about us, so that misunderstandings about the situation in South Africa and the position of Afrikaners can be clarified.

That is why we signed an Afrikaner Declaration last year, in which we committed ourselves to creating a future for Afrikaners and South Africa. We also made it clear that we are not content with being treated as second-class citizens and being used by the ANC as punching bags and scapegoats to divert attention from their failures. It does not help that the ANC complains that the US is bullying them while the ANC itself is bullying Afrikaners with racial legislation and cultural discrimination.

New campus

The Solidarity Movement’s project to build the cultural infrastructure for a free, safe and prosperous future will gain new momentum in January 2026 with the construction of a new campus for our independent university. At the same time, it reaffirms our commitment to local solutions. We build to stay, and stay to build. We are not victims or refugees. Our goal is to build the cultural infrastructure that will enable us to remain here sustainably, allowing us to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people.

ANC a ‘moral superpower’? Ludicrous!

Posted on October 23, 2025October 23, 2025 by Mariska Nanni

By Werner Human, Head of Operations at the Solidarity Movement

Continue reading “ANC a ‘moral superpower’? Ludicrous!”

Jaco Kleynhans | Mackinac Republican Leadership Conference, Michigan, USA

Posted on October 7, 2025October 7, 2025 by Mariska Nanni

Ladies and Gentlemen, Chairman Jim Runestad, members of the U.S. House of Representatives, the Michigan Legislature and other political institutions in the U.S. and here in Michigan, distinguished guests,

It is an honor and a privilege to stand before you today at this 36th Mackinac Republican Leadership Conference, a gathering that embodies the unyielding spirit of liberty, resilience, and principled leadership that has defined the Republican movement for generations.

I serve as the Head of International Liaison for Solidarity a large South African civil rights organization dedicated to protecting the rights, dignity, and future of minorities – particularly the Afrikaner minority – in a nation that increasingly seems bent on erasing our culture and identity.

But before I delve into the heart of my message, I must address a shadow that looms over us all, a stark reminder of the perils we face in this global battle for conservative values. Just last week, on a day that should have been filled with the promise of discourse and debate in the great state of Utah, we lost Charlie Kirk—a brilliant, fearless voice for the next generation of conservatives – to a cowardly assassination. His death was not merely a personal tragedy; it was a chilling escalation in the wave of violent rhetoric and actions targeted at conservative voices everywhere. From the streets of America to the town halls of Europe, and yes, even to the farmlands of my own country, South Africa, the enemies of freedom are emboldened. They chant slogans of hate, they incite division, and they strike without remorse.

As Afrikaners in South Africa, we will forever be grateful to Charlie Kirk and his huge contribution to focusing the world’s eyes on the murders of farmers in South Africa and the escalatingattack on the future of my people. Together with President Donald Trump and others, Kirk did great work over the past few years to tell the truth of what is happening in South Africa. Thank you, Charlie. We salute you! For now,and forever.

In South Africa, the toxic leftwing rhetoric has a name and a tune: “Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer.” It is not some relic of the past; it is sung openly at political rallies, chanted by leaders who hold the reins of power, and echoed in the halls of government.

Thank you for giving me this platform to speak,not just for South Africa, but for all minorities under siege in a world that increasingly tolerates authoritarianism in the name of “progress.” Today, I want to focus on why South Africa matters to you – to America, to the Republican cause, and to the free world.

Let us begin with why South Africa is so crucially important to the United States, and why the Afrikaners, as a beleaguered minority, must be central to any American strategy in Africa. South Africa is not merely another country on the map; it is the economic powerhouse of the continent, commanding vast reserves of critical minerals that power everything from your smartphones to electric vehicles and defense systems. We hold over 80% of the world’s platinum supply and significant portions of manganese and vanadium, key to steel production and battery technology. In a world racing toward green energy and technological dominance, South Africa’s resources are a geopolitical goldmine. Losing influence here means ceding ground to authoritarian adversaries such as China.

But beyond these resources, South Africa is America’s gateway to Africa. With a sophisticated financial system and a G20 membership, we bridge the Global North and the emerging markets of the Global South. Trade between our nations exceeds $20 billion annually, supporting jobs in manufacturing, agriculture, and services across both countries.

Yet this partnership is fraying under the weight of South Africa’s internal decay and external alignments. America needs a stable, pro-Western South Africa to counter the spread of communism and authoritarianism on the continent. Without it, China’s Belt and Road Initiative will swallow Africa whole, Russia’s Wagner mercenaries will destabilize more regimes, and Iran’s proxies will find safe havens for mischief.

Now, why Afrikaners specifically? As a minority of about 2.5 million – roughly 5% of South Africa’s population – we represent a cultural and ideological bulwark against the tide of radicalism sweeping our land. We are conservatives at heart: family-oriented, entrepreneurial, religious, and committed to private property, rule of law, and individual liberty. Our values align seamlessly with the Republican ethos – think self-reliance, like the pioneers of the American West, or the unyielding faith of the Founding Fathers. Historically, Afrikaners have been the stewards of South Africa’s agricultural heartland, producing 90% of the country’s food despite owning only a fraction of the land. We are the innovators in tech and engineering who keep the lights on and the doctors, teachers, and entrepreneurs who built modern South Africa. Marginalizing us does not just harm a minority; it undermines the very stability America needs in Africa. Supporting Afrikaners means bolstering a pro-American, pro-freedom force that can help reclaim the continent for democracy.

To understand our importance, one must know our background—a story of perseverance, innovation, and tragedy that mirrors the American journey in many ways. The Afrikaners trace our roots to the 17th century, when Dutch settlers arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, establishing a refreshment station for the Dutch East India Company. These were hardy Protestants—farmers, craftsmen, and traders—fleeing religious persecution in Europe, muchlike the Pilgrims who landed at Plymouth Rock. These Dutch settlers intermarried with French Huguenots and Germans and forged a unique identity; the Afrikaans language, a blend of Dutch and local tongues, became our voice; the Calvinist faith was our compass.

In the 19th century, as British imperial ambitions encroached, we embarked on the Great Trek – a mass migration inland of over 12,000 pioneers seeking freedom from colonial overreach. Our pioneer forefathers carved out republics such asthe Orange Free State and Transvaal, fighting epic battles against Zulu warriors at Blood River in 1838 and later against the British in the Anglo-Boer Wars of 1880 and 1899-1902.

The British were the first to use concentration camps during war, and during the Anglo Boer War of 1899 to 1902 most of our Afrikaner women and children were placed inconcentration camps by the English. More than 34 000 women and children perished in those concentration camps in some of the worst conditions you could ever imagine.

But after the war, we decided to forgive. We decided to move forward. We built a nation on the principle of self-determination, inventing technologies like the world’s first heart transplant in 1967 and pioneering conservation efforts that protected Africa’s wildlife.

Coming to the second topic: South Africa since 1994, and how the liberal Western vision of a “rainbow nation” has crumbled under the weight of ANC governance. When Nelson Mandela walked free from prison in 1990 and became president in 1994, the world hailed it as a miracle. The end of apartheid promised unity – a rainbow nation where black, white, brown, and Indian people could coexist in harmony. Western liberals, from Bill Clinton to Tony Blair, poured in billions in aid and investment, betting on reconciliation, affirmative action, and a mixed economy to heal old wounds.

For a brief, shining moment during the 1990’s it worked. Under Jacob Zuma from 2009 to 2018, “state capture” siphoned billions from public coffers—funds meant for housing, schools, and hospitals vanished into private jets and mansions. Eskom, our state power utility, was looted, leading to rolling blackouts that crippled industry. The ANC’s cadre deployment – placing loyalists in key positions – prioritized politics over competence, turning bureaucracies into fiefdoms. Racial quotas under Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) laws sidelined skilled workers, regardless of merit, fostering resentment and inefficiency.

At the commencement of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s tenure in 2018, the damage was irreversible. Unemployment soared above 30%, youth joblessness hit 60%, and inequalityworsened. The “rainbow” faded as tribalism and populism rose: the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), led by Julius Malema, openly calls for nationalizing everything, from all farmland to all financial institutions and mines. They advocate for land seizures, chanting “Kill the Boer” at rallies. Liberal ideals of meritocracy and non-racialism have been sacrificed on the altar of revenge politics. The ANC destroyed South Africa not through malice alone, but through incompetence masked as transformation. What was promised as upliftment became exploitation; what was envisioned as unity devolved into division. The West’s blind faith in this model – ignoring warning signs of socialism- left us a failed experiment, a cautionary tale for America as you grapple with your own progressive overreach.

This brings us to the third focus point: where South Africa stands today. As an increasinglyfailed state, service delivery has collapsed. Water shortages affect 40% of households; potholed roads and collapsing bridges symbolize infrastructure decay. Rolling power outages have been a reality in South Africa for the past 15 years. The brain drain is real: over a million South Africans, many Afrikaners, have emigrated since 1994, taking their expertise to Australia, Canada, and yes, America.

Land expropriation without compensation, enshrined in the 2018 ANC policy and accelerated under Ramaphosa with a new expropriation act signed late last year.

Racial laws and discrimination against minorities are rampant. BEE mandates high percentages of black ownership in companies, often through shady deals that enrich elites while excluding whites, Indians, and brown people from jobs and contracts. Affirmative action quotas fill universities and civil service with underqualified candidates, sidelining merit.

Crime is an epidemic: over 27,000 murders are committed annually – the highest in the world outside war zones. But farm attacks stand outas a special scourge against rural whites. Since 1994, over 3,000 farmers have been killed in brutal assaults involving torture, rape, and execution-style murders. Today there are less than 30,000 commercial farmers left in South Africa who must feed a growing population of more than 60 million.

Farm attacks and murders are not random robberies; they are ethnically motivated, with attackers targeting isolated homesteads, stealing little but inflicting maximum terror. The government downplays it, claiming it is mere crime, but the patterns—disproportionate violence against white farmers—tell another story. As President Trump rightly noted, it is a crisis demanding international attention.

Finally, our foreign policy has veered dangerously toward authoritarian embrace. South Africa, under ANC influence, has warmed to China, Russia, and Iran, aligning with BRICS to counter the West. In 2023, South Africahosted joint naval exercises with Russia and China in the Indian Ocean codenamed “Mosi”,signaling military cooperation amid Russia’s Ukraine invasion.

With Iran, ties deepened in 2025: high-level military talks in Tehran discussed hosting Iranian naval flotillas in our ports, and the South African government defended Iran’s nuclear ambitions at the UN. Ramaphosa’s government abstained from condemning Russia’s aggression and sued Israel at the ICJ over Gaza, earning praise from Tehran.

In February 2025, President Donald J. Trump issued Executive Order 14204, titled “Addressing Egregious Actions of the Republic of South Africa.” This landmark decree declared it U.S. policy to oppose South Africa’s human rights violations, particularly against white Afrikaners, and its undermining of international norms. It suspended foreign aid – over $500 million annually – until reforms are made. It also created a fast-track refugee program for persecuted Afrikaner farmers and professionals.

Since February, a bill was approved in the http://U.S.House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs, further implementing President Trump’s executive order and even suggesting that targeted sanctions be imposed on ANC officials involved in corruption and land grabs. We support this proposal and hope that the act will soon be approved by the full House and the Senate so that President Trump can sign it.

President Trump’s reciprocal tariffs in April 2025 hit South African exports such as steel and agricultural products, retaliating against our BRICS alignments. Our fear now is that the tariffs are punishing the people closest to the U.S., such as Afrikaner farmers. We want to make a plea to the U.S. to lower the tariffs and instead focus on punitive measures against the South African government and radical anti-American politicians.

Within this crisis lies opportunity: strained relations can be leveraged for change. America holds the cards: market access, military aid, and diplomatic clout. By supporting Solidarity and civil society, the U.S. can empower pro-Western voices, pressure the ANC toward accountability, and reclaim South Africa as a strategic ally. I repeat: Please do not punish your friends, such as Afrikaner farmers, with tariffs. Punish the real scoundrels who have acted, and continue to act,against American interests!

In conclusion, my friends, South Africa’s story is one of promises betrayed but not yet lost. The assassination of Charlie Kirk reminds us that violence against our ideas is real, but so is our resolve. The chants of “Kill the Boer” echo the global assault on freedom, but with leaders like President Trump, we have hope.

I urge you: Pressure your government to enforce the executive order fully. Shine a light on farm murders and corruption. Support South African civil society with donations, media reports and access to a platform where we can share our views.

We ask you to counter South Africa’s drift toward tyrants by strengthening ties with true partners like us. Together, we can rebuild a South Africa that honors all its people – a beacon of liberty in Africa, allied with the greatest nation on earth, the United States of America. God bless you, God bless the Republican Party, God bless the great people of Michigan, God bless the Afrikaner people at the southern tip of Africa and God bless the enduring spirit of freedom. Thank you.

Watch the broadcast here.

US tariffs: ANC politics undermine SA economy

Posted on August 8, 2025August 8, 2025 by Mariska Nanni

By Flip Buys, Chairman of the Solidarity Movement

Political considerations outweigh economic factors when it comes to US tariffs. Senior ANC leaders such as Fikile Mbalula, ANC Secretary-General, and Gwede Mantashe, Minister of Mineral and Petroleum Resources, continue to hurl insults at the US instead of working to strengthen diplomatic relations.

This despite clear warnings from US leaders that “you’re not going to insult America for free”.
Their overt political animosity towards the US government is deepening South Africa’s economic woes and driving up unemployment. Their efforts to solve the ANC’s political problems are poised to lead to economic crises that will mostly affect their voters.

Meanwhile, the ANC refuses to take the US’s insistence on necessary political reforms seriously and treats it simply as an economic issue.
The ANC is clearly stuck in the Cold War era. They continue to cling to the anti-Western political policies and alliances of the past, despite the economic crisis they are causing.

Their narrow-minded racial policy is much more about their historical anti-Western stance than about redress. Their hostility extends to bullying white citizens of South Africa as part of their deep-seated resentment at the West.

The ANC is trying in vain to resist the winds of change, clinging to the illusion that they are still the darling of the world. That is why they are constantly and unnecessarily picking fights with a superpower. This approach is bound to have grave consequences, and they will be dragged kicking and screaming into the future.

Sooner or later, the ANC will realise: The past will not return, the present cannot be ignored, and the future will not fix itself.

Fallout of the Expropriation Act

Posted on April 4, 2025 by BeweegAdministrator

Xavier Pierre Malaprade

(This article was written by an honours student at the University of Hertfordshire in England and submitted to the Solidarity Movement. It provides a summary of recent political events in South Africa from an international perspective.)

South African politics has slowly but steadily regained international attention after US President Donald Trump signed an executive order cutting US funding to the country, shortly after President Ramaphosa signed the Expropriation Act into law. This law allows the government to expropriate private property with zero compensation.

President Trump’s decision coincided with the Washington Memorandum, presented by a delegation in Washington DC. This delegation included high-ranking members of the civil rights lobby group AfriForum, the trade union Solidarity (previously known as the Transvaal Miners’ Association from its founding in 1902 until 1913 and the Mine Workers’ Union from then until 1997, and the broader Solidarity Movement (of which both organisations are member institutions). The delegation met with representatives of President Trump’s administration, during which the parties discussed several concerns that they felt had remained unaddressed, or even exacerbated, by the ruling party.

Additionally, President Trump has ordered the establishment of provisions to allow white South Africans to be resettled in the United States as political refugees. While many have applied for the programme out of disillusionment with South Africa’s political system, others – including the Solidarity Movement and residents of the Afrikaner cultural settlement of Orania – have expressed a preference for the United States to instead “help us here”.
[The presenter in the video is Mr Joost Strydom, the leader of the Orania Movement, the organisation responsible for promoting and maintaining the cultural settlement under South African constitutional law. He has gone on record in an interview with Newzroom Afrika to discuss the frequent xenophobic remarks and rhetoric directed at Afrikaners.]

During the delegation’s visit, Dr Ernst Roets (former deputy CEO of AfriForum and Head of Policy at the Solidarity Movement) was interviewed by renowned journalist and political commentator Tucker Carlson. Carlson is known for, among other things, his interview with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the Russo-Ukrainian War. In the interview, Dr Roets discussed the context surrounding current events in South Africa. In response to the US cutting funding, the uMKhonto weSizwe (MK) Party, founded and led by former president Jacob Zuma – who has faced several charges of corruption over the years – subsequently made a public bid to prosecute AfriForum for treason.

Since the visit, there has been a massive uproar on both sides of the political aisle within South Africa. A notable example is the slew of death threats issued by Mr Mehmet Vefa Dag, president of the Truth and Solidarity Movement Party (and former spokesman of the now-defunct Land Party), on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter). Mr Dag called AfriForum’s CEO Kallie Kriel a “terrorist” and demanded that he “be hanged in Sharpeville as an example for humanity,” attaching a photograph of a noose and gallows alongside one of Mr Kriel for added emphasis.

After receiving intense backlash in response to his demands and his post being removed for violating X’s rules, Mr Dag doubled down by attaching a screenshot of his earlier post to a new one, which reads as follows:

We don’t support AfriForum. We don’t support Kallie Kriel. We don’t support Ernst Roets. We don’t support Ian Cameron[.] We don’t support Corne [sic] Mulder[.] We stand with justice, equality, morality and righteous doing. Censorship and intimidation will not work. Continue the good fight.

The Truth and Solidarity Movement Party has made no statements regarding Mr Dag’s behaviour and language, nor has any action been taken by the authorities concerning his blatant incitement of violence against members of the public. Aside from his other controversies – most notably the several charges of domestic and sexual abuse that were levied against him last year (including the rape of his eldest daughter) – Mr Dag also has a history of using antisemitic and homophobic language on various public forums and sites. The Truth and Solidarity Movement Party also officially supports land redistribution, similarly to the EFF – a party whose members are also known for using violent language and rhetoric against Asian and white South Africans, particularly white farmers. According to various statistics, white farmers have been major targets of especially violent criminal attacks over the years.

Aside from the Solidarity Movement and President Trump, several other opponents have emerged against the ANC’s agenda of legalising Expropriation Without Compensation (or “EWC”). Theo de Jager, head of the Southern African Agri Initiative (Saai), has been an outspoken critic of the government on this matter and several others. He recently wrote an open letter to President Trump concerning his approach and response to South Africa’s current affairs. Some time later, De Jager was edited out of a photograph of the Department of Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural Development’s recent delegation to Germany, as used in the Department’s official publication. The reason for this omission has not been explained.

Furthermore, a major agricultural organisation in the Free State province, Free State Agriculture, recently launched a survey among its members to determine whether they supported FSA severing ties with its parent organisation, AgriSA, who openly supports the ANC and its stances regarding land reform and opposition to the United States on a number of geopolitical matters. The results have not yet been released at the time of writing, but FSA has openly opposed the government (and, by extension, AgriSA) on these matters.

Xavier Pierre Malaprade was born in 2003 in Orleans, France, to Afrikaner parents from the former Transvaal, who subsequently moved to England. The second of three children and son of Jacques and Erica Malaprade (née Eloff), he grew up in Caversham, an eastern suburb of Reading, Berkshire. Despite his expatriate upbringing, his family frequently spoke Afrikaans at home, and he developed a strong sense of his cultural identity and heritage as an Afrikaner and as a descendant of the Voortrekkers as he grew older.

After discovering a natural fondness for literature and history, and learning more about the plight of his ethnic brethren overseas, he was moved to pursue a career in journalism in the hopes of exposing corruption and bringing popular attention to the truth. He is now completing his final year of a BA Honours in Politics and International Relations and Journalism at the University of Hertfordshire.

The ANC must stop its ongoing disinformation now

Posted on March 28, 2025March 28, 2025 by BeweegAdministrator

The ongoing false allegations that Solidarity and AfriForum are spreading misinformation abroad are nothing but disinformation and an attempt to make us the scapegoat for the ANC’s mistakes.

The time has come for the ANC to accept responsibility for the diplomatic crisis with the US the country has been plunged into due to the party’s reckless policies, and the ANC must stop blaming Solidarity and AfriForum for it.

Should the US kick South Africa out of the AGOA agreement, the blame must be laid squarely at the door of the Ramaphosa government. Solidarity and AfriForum’s attempts over many years, and by using authoritative research to convince the US to retain South Africa as an AGOA beneficiary are being sabotaged time and again by the ANC’s own policies and actions.

Genocide and sanctions

We want to make it clear that we have never made allegations of a “genocide” of white people in South Africa. We have not called for sanctions against South Africa. We have not requested that any funds to South Africa be cut off by the US. We have explicitly asked that South Africa not be kicked out of AGOA because it would cost thousands of South Africans their jobs. As patriotic South-Africans, we have called on the US not to punish the people of South Africa when the Trump administration is angry with the ANC.

We are positive South African patriots who love the country and its people, even if we do not agree with the ANC’s policies and actions. Although we warned about the dangers of the Expropriation Act, we have not presented allegations to the US government that large-scale expropriation without compensation is taking place in South Africa.

Last year, the Solidarity Movement was part of a group of approximately two million Afrikaners who supported a declaration in which we emphasised our loyalty to the country and its people, at the same time making suggestions about the conditions Afrikaners need to remain in the country in order to make a lasting contribution towards South Africa. The ANC ignored these constructive suggestions.

South African solutions

We reject the ANC’s hypocritical statements that we should solve our problems internally in South Africa rather than to complain about them abroad. The ANC has clearly demonstrated with the BELA negotiations that they are not prepared to respect the constitutional provision for Afrikaans education Their refusal to find solutions in good faith to fundamental issues that profoundly affect our language and culture leaves us with no choice but to internationalise our cause.

We do not ask anyone’s permission to defend our fundamental human rights and legitimate interests because the ANC has proven time and again that these rights and interests cannot be entrusted to them.

We will continue to do so in a factual and balanced manner so as not to cause harm to the country, unlike the ANC that continues to mismanage the country, continues to allow corruption to flourish and continues to further exacerbate unemployment in the country.

Serious consequences for ordinary South Africans if US downsizes its embassy and closes consulates

Posted on March 26, 2025 by BeweegAdministrator

Source: Solidarity

Even more extensive economic and diplomatic damage, further job losses, an exodus of investors and obstacles being experienced with the issuing of essential trade permits and travel visas – all of this Solidarity believes to count among the possible consequences the downsizing of the US embassy in Pretoria, as well as the possible closure of the US consulate in Johannesburg could have for South Africans.

These realities loom as a result of the South African government’s disintegrating relationship with the United States of America. This diplomatic crisis could result in a dramatic scaling down of the extent of the American diplomatic mission in South Africa.

A dispute over South Africa’s official policy positions triggered a diplomatic crisis between the countries, and this is currently being exacerbated by the Johannesburg Metro Council’s bid to rename the street in which the US consulate is located in Sandton after a Palestinian freedom fighter.
There is a risk that the US may want to close its Johannesburg consulate, while the remaining consulates in Cape Town and Durban could also be in question.

Solidarity believes a further diplomatic miscalculation, as would be the case with the street name change currently being considered by the Metro Council, will further damage an already fragile relationship.
According to the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), the closure of the Johannesburg consulate alone would be a significant blow, as Johannesburg is South Africa’s economic capital and is also home to several US and multinational companies in the country.

The SRI believes the closure will, among other things:
•   Complicate the process for South African travellers seeking to obtain visas;
•   Obstruct the process South African businesspersons have to follow to obtain visas and for businesses needing essential trade permits and documentation;
•   Harm investor confidence as the closure is a sign of a further disintegration of diplomatic relations;
•   Cause job losses for South Africans as major US companies may terminate or reconsider their presence in South Africa;
•   Cause hotels, restaurants and service providers that depend on consular visitors to lose income, leading to further job losses; and
•   Limit US contributions made through the consulate towards valuable intelligence on transnational crime, money laundering and terrorism, reducing South Africa’s resistance to organised crime.

According to Jaco Kleynhans, head of public liaison at Solidarity, far more serious consequences than the closure of a consulate may follow if radical government officials persist in an ideological struggle against the US.
“It is in no South African’s interest to be exposed to the risk of further economic decline and international isolation for the sake of ANC policies and agendas.
“This is what the downsizing of the US mission and the closure of a consulate would bring about.
“Also keep in mind that American companies, many of which have offices in Johannesburg, some of them located close to the consulate in Sandton, employ thousands of South Africans. Moreover, they contribute billions of rand in taxes to the Treasury.
“Unfortunately, it seems that our government is going to persist with its anti-Western narrative and is therefore comfortable with ordinary South Africans being punished for the government’s sins,” Kleynhans cautioned.

South Africa’s relationship with the Trump administration is currently experiencing an unprecedented low.
The relationship has suffered further setbacks in recent weeks due to the offensive statements made towards the US by the former South African ambassador to Washington, Ebrahim Rasool, and insults from ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula.
The US has also taken note of the Ramaphosa government’s silence on the EFF Party’s singing of the struggle song “Kill the Boer” on Human Rights Day.

Ten historical reasons to stay in South Africa

Posted on March 25, 2025 by BeweegAdministrator

Flip Buys

Source: Maroela Media

United States President Donald Trump caused a stir this month with his executive order, which among other things, allows Afrikaners who are prejudiced by racial laws or expropriation without compensation to seek refuge in America.

The fact that the ANC is throwing everything but the kitchen sink in its attempt to govern alone instead of through a government of national unity has now completely alienated the new government in Washington. This is why the Solidarity Movement will now accept the hand of friendship extended by the Americans and offer practical suggestions on how Afrikaners can be helped to live sustainably in Africa, so that we can make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people.

We cannot allow a corrupt, incompetent and racist government to drive us out of the country. That is not who we are. We are determined, in the words of Afrikaans writer and scholar NP van Wyk Louw, to carry the treasure of our language and culture safely through the crowd. After all, we did not cross the oceans, survive through centuries, venture into the unknown, stand up to great powers on the battlefield and produce world-class achievements because we are made of jelly.

Here are 10 historical reasons why we will stay and why we will do things ourselves.

We became Afrikaners in Africa

The first Buys in South Africa was a German soldier who sailed from Amsterdam on the Risdam in 1714 to work for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Like most other Afrikaner families, the Buys family has therefore been in Africa for more than three centuries. We did not come to Africa as Afrikaners. We became Afrikaners here, long before the birth of South Africa as a country. Our language and culture are indigenous to Africa, and nowhere else. We named ourselves, our language and many of our institutions after Africa.

Afrikaners are a self-defined cultural community – a people – and not simply a language group or a racial grouping. Through Afrikaans, we also have a linguistic bond with coloured South Africans, as Afrikaans is one language with many cultures. We come from a Christian Western tradition, and most of us trust in God’s promises of hope for the future.

We are Westerners in and from Africa

NP van Wyk Louw put it strikingly: “In every generation, the task is to keep both our heritages – European and African – close to the heart; to be in Africa, knowing that we are from the old West; to be Western, without disregarding a single difference from Africa” (author’s own translation).

Van Wyk Louw also spoke so beautifully about Afrikaans: “Afrikaans can remain vital only as long as it remains the carrier of our full destiny, of our knowledge-to-both-sides; as long as it continues to think concretely and abstractly; as long as Europe and Africa live in it; Africa indeed, yet also always Europe.”

He saw Afrikaans as the language that connects Western Europe and Africa: “It forms a bridge between the great bright West and the magical Africa, and what great things can arise from their union – this is perhaps what lies ahead for Afrikaans to be discovered.”

The People’s Poet Totius expressed it just as beautifully: “A fine mystical bond of union connects Orange, the Netherlands and Africa throughout everything. No matter how far the waves wash us, the deep heart will always feel – we are secretly one.”

Rather barefoot over the mountains …

After the British had annexed Natal and the Boer Republic of Vryheid in 1843, the Voortrekkers moved again. In the famous words of Johanna Smit to the British representative: “We would rather walk barefoot over the Drakensberg than suffer under British rule any longer.”

The pursuit of freedom as the driving force behind the Great Trek was articulated by Great Trek leaders such as Andries Pretorius, who stated that they left their birthplace not in revolt but in pursuit of freedom. The Dutch thinker Bob Goudzwaard, after studying the history of the Afrikaners, argued that their story was a struggle for survival more than for domination. I find it inconceivable that the sacrifices of our ancestors would be in vain if we were to turn our back on our history.

Collaboration with other communities

It is true that there were many battles and conflicts with indigenous black tribes. However, this is not the full story; there were also numerous peace agreements and instances of collaboration with black groups.

A good description of this is found in the Voortrekker leader Hendrik Potgieter’s report of 3 December 1838 sent to the Governor of the Cape after the Great Trek: “First, we encountered Captain Danser and concluded a peace treaty with him; secondly, King Maroka, with whom we also concluded a peace treaty; thirdly, Captain Pieter Davieds, with whom we likewise concluded a peace treaty; fourthly, King Sikonyela, with whom we also concluded a peace treaty; fifthly Captain Makwana, with whom we also concluded a peace treaty” (a free translation of the original Dutch text).

Churchill on Boer fighters

The most striking description of the Boer fighters was given by the famous statesman Winston Churchill, who came to fight against us as a journalist.

What men they were, these Boers! I thought of them as I had seen them in the morning riding forward through the rain – thousands of independent riflemen, thinking for themselves, possessed of beautiful weapons, led with skill, living as they rode without commissariat or transport or ammunition column, moving like the wind, and supported by iron constitutions and a stern, hard Old Testament God who should surely smite the Amalekites hip and thigh.

Defeated and dejected

The British scorched earth policy and the concentration camps were devastating. My one grandfather and one grandmother were child survivors of the camps, while my other great-grandfather was imprisoned, and his house was arsoned after he had smuggled horses for the Free State Boers as a colonial subject. Prof. David Welsh described the condition of Afrikaners after the Anglo-Boer War as follows:

After 1902 the Afrikaners of the defeated Trekker republics displayed many of the symptoms of a conquered people: impoverished, defeated, despairing, low in morale, and with a powerfully internalised inferiority complex. They were facing the possible obliteration of their identity by the overwhelming power of their conqueror’s institutions and culture.

The recovery after the war was extremely difficult, and historian Dan O’Meara could have been describing my mineworker grandfather when he outlined their struggle until 1948:

The structure of South African capitalism offered few opportunities to those whose home language was Afrikaans. Its language was English, and Afrikaans-speakers were powerfully discriminated against. Promotion and advancement required both proficiency in a foreign language – that of a conqueror – and virtual total acceptance of the structure and values dominant in the economy.

A fiery Cold War

The Cold War was raging in South Africa, with the ANC squarely in the Communist camp. This put the South African Defence Force in direct conflict with the former Soviet Union and Red China that had armed and supported the liberation movements in Southern Africa.

The Cold War froze whatever political manoeuvring space there had been, and the South African Defence Force and South African Police were tasked with preventing a violent revolutionary takeover until the collapse of the Eastern Bloc made negotiations possible. Western powers, particularly the immense pressure from the USA on the NP government, played a major role in the eventual constitutional settlement.

Africa after independence

Understandably, Afrikaners were also very sceptical about the prospects of a successful democracy in South Africa, given the outcomes that Western models had led to in Africa. Martin Meredith sums it up aptly in his book The Fortunes of Africa:

The succession of coups in Africa swept on so rapidly that many episodes passed by in little more than a blur. In the first two decades of independence, there were some forty successful coups and countless attempted coups. Not once was there an occasion when an African government was peacefully voted out of office.

A movement founded

The origins of the Solidarity Movement can be traced back to the 1998 congress of the then Mine Workers’ Union, where the trade union’s national council accepted my proposal to transform the MWU into a modern self-help movement.

The reason for this was twofold: we did not believe that the ANC could successfully govern the country, and we believed that they would create a new racial dispensation that would effectively turn Afrikaners into second-class citizens.

The aim of the Movement was to build the cultural infrastructure that Afrikaners would need to remain sustainably free, safe and prosperous in southern Africa. In so doing, Afrikaners would at the same time be able to make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people. Our assumption at the time – that we would initially be denounced as radicals but would gradually gain more support as the outcomes of ANC policy became visible – has been realised in practice.

In the 1990s, the country had to change to prevent a terrible end. The task of our movement now is to help prevent an endless horror.

Foreign support

For years after 1994, it was impossible to gain support for Afrikaners’ legitimate aspirations for cultural autonomy because the ANC had taken the moral high ground, and the consequences of their policies were not yet clear to the outside world.

The ANC’s rotten track record of governance, leading to widespread state failure, along with the ongoing centralisation of power and the accompanying curtailment of freedoms, gave new meaning to Prof. Welsh’s warning about a “tyranny of the majority”.

Welsh stated:

Simple majority rule … can easily – and commonly does – degenerate into a “tyranny of the majority” when elections assume the form of a racial census. Undeniably, majorities have rights, but so do minorities. If […] majorities use their power to steamroller minorities, denying them influence even in decisions that affect their vital interests, the quality of democracy will deteriorate.

Moreover, the comparative evidence from divided societies does not offer much support for the view that the salience of ethnic or racial identities will eventually give way to voting alignments that are shaped more by, say, class, interests or ideology. Democratic constitutional forms have been maintained, but a single-party dominant system become entrenched.