Successful and resilient language and cultural communities are characterized by healthy, stable and flourishing education and career training. As far as the Afrikaans language and cultural communities are concerned, Akademia proudly carries the torch for the Afrikaans university system. As independent higher education institution from the Christian and classical university tradition, this institution unequivocally celebrates its calling as mother language study home and vocationally-driven there is being worked toward a free future.
Akademia: A hopeful alternative for Afrikaans speakers
Prof. Danie Goosen, academic head at Akademia, says that the institution represents a hopeful alternative for Afrikaans speakers within the South African university system. This vocation-driven right of existence is of great importance in a time where Afrikaans as primary language of instruction at public universities are dwindling or simply discarded.
As community institution Akademia’s mission is to serve the academic ideals of a specific language and cultural community and to provide an academic home where both the mind and heart are shaped. According to Marthinus Visser, managing director of the institution, Akademia strives to offer more than world-class training. The institution is also associated to the classical role of the university system – to bring students to an intellectual, emotional and philosophical maturity. “Akademia continuously works in faith, hope and love to be of service to the community in this manner. In this way we establish a renewed Afrikaans university system,” Visser explains.
From a humble beginning to a significant role player.
Since 2012 the institution offers various study options to students and developed quickly to a preferred Afrikaans study home. Except for five dynamic faculties, students also has the
opportunity tot study via the full-time campus model or the after-hours distance model. The former is presented at the institution’s campusses in Centurion, and soon also in the Paarl, whilst the second option equips students from all over the country to complete their studies via the network of centres or the e-learning option. The latter also offers Afrikaans speakers from outside of South Africa the opportunity to study in their mother language. Akademia’s international footprint include countries such as Australia, Namibia, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Russia, Sweden, Thailand, the United Emirates and the United States of America.
Thirteen years of growth
This year the institution looks back on thirteen years of presenting classes and according to Visser there will be purposefully be built on the positive momentum that was unlocked in the preceding years. According to Visser, this momentum gives more power to the institution’s mission statement as community institution.
“Akademia has, over the course of its existence, already taken several major and significant steps, and meticulous work has been done to achieve goals in various areas. Whether it was the expansion of our academic programme offerings, the establishment of new student life traditions, geographical expansion opportunities, or the growth of staff and student numbers, the standard has been set high, and the foundation has been laid for an even greater impact,” Visser explains. From the registration of Akademia as an independent higher education institution on 3 January 2012 and with student numbers of 42 students over five programmes the institution has grown to about 3 800 students, five faculties and 23 programmes.
Further expansion of the Afrikaans university system
Visser emphasises that Akademia is thankful to celebrate the growth of the past thirteen years, but that the institution is once again experiencing a renewed sense of vocational drive regarding its responsibility toward the future. “Akademia is now established and the time for deepening, broadening, and expansion has arrived. With our values as compass and our vision as the destination, we are dedicated to fulfilling this important task,” says Visser.
From 2026, the institution will enjoy a campus presence in the Paarl in the Western Cape. This geographical expansion will not only expand Akademia’s existing footprint in the region, but will also strengthen its commitment to the community.
Akademia’s campus dream, namely to establish a world-class residential campus in Pretoria where 5 000 full-time undergraduate students and about 1 500 postgraduate will be at home, is currently in its developmental phase. The target date for this project, in partnership with the estate development company Kanton, is set for January 2028. The Futurebuilder (Toekomsbouer) project offers members of the Afrikaans language and cultural communities the opportunity to not just dream of the future together, but to actively build together by way
of donations, investments and testamentary bequests in order to make the campus dream come true. Please send an email to skenking@akademia.ac.za and one of the Akademia fund managers will be in contact with you to arrange a visit and to discuss the nature of your donation, contribution or legacy.
A world-class campus the making. The achitect representation offers an outline of how the new Akademia campus will look.
The Futurebuilder campaign was launched to realise Akademia’s dream of a world-class residential campus in Pretoria in order to ensure the continued existence of the Afrikaans university system.
We took note of Mr Trump’s Executive Order with regard to South-Africa in general and Afrikaners in particular.
His Order and the other statements of senior American officials place the spotlight on contentious issues in South Africa, like our foreign policy and the situation of Afrikaners as an indigenous cultural community. We welcome the concern of important Americans about our situation but believe the solution must be found in South Africa.
We reaffirm our firm commitment to the country and its people, although we differ with the ANC about the direction of the country, the many race laws that make us second class citizens, their treatment of the Afrikaans community with the Bela act, laws like the Expropriation act, and the blatant threats made by certain politicians towards Afrikaners.
However, we want to put on record the following:
• We did not accuse the government of large-scale race-based land grabs, or distribute false information in this regard;
• We did not and will not ask for sanctions against South-Africa, or that funds for vulnerable people be cut off by the US government;
• We explicitly asked senior US officials not to kick South-Africa out of the Agoa act, because of the suffering it will cause to farmers and their workers, and the livelihoods of workers in the motor and chemical industries;
• The Order of Mr Trump is the result of reckless policies of the ANC leadership that alienate a superpower, and not a so-called disinformation campaign from our side;
• It is furthermore a product of years of diplomatic neglect by South African diplomats in our engagements with the US at many different forums and on a wide range of issues
• We were not aware that Mr. Trump would issue this order
• We believe that it is not in the interests of South Africa if there is a deterioration in the relationship with the world’s largest economy and a big trade partner and donor of our country.
In the light of the latest developments, we will urgently request a meeting with President Ramaphosa, to address the differences between us and to find solutions to that. Secondly, I will also lead a delegation to the United States for discussions with White House representatives later the month, in order for us to put the situation in SA in context.
The G20 summit has brought international attention to South Africa, and this will continue throughout the year. If the ANC, as leading party in the Government of National Unity and thus the chair of the G20 summit, wants to be a global player, its international and domestic policies must align accordingly.
This includes ensuring that the ANC does not violate the constitutional settlement by attempting to downscale Afrikaans schools and mother-tongue education through legislation, or the racial dispensation that are incompatible with a constitutional democracy, a functioning state and a growing economy that can provide jobs for everyone.
The Solidarity Movement, including Solidarity and AfriForum, represents approximately 600,000 Afrikaner families and 2 million individuals.
Our message to Presidents Ramaphosa and Trump is that we want to solve our problems within South Africa but we also appreciate diplomatic pressure from important roleplayers like the US. We are willing to engage in honest discussions with both parties about the state of the country and our community, and we commit to conveying facts correctly and responsibly, as we have always done.
The U.S. should empower South Africans, including the civil society, private sector and political parties to engage with each other and international roleplayers with a simple focus of being a country that gives space to all its people, respects minority rights and is loyal to its international commitments on issues such as the opposition to racial discrimination and the improvement of human rights and dialogue.
The Solidarity Movement remains committed to dialogue and is open to cooperation. We welcome the political pressure that the U.S. is placing on the ANC but will take a stand against the withdrawal of aid. We support South Africa’s continued participation in AGOA.
Ordinary South Africans should not bear the cost of diplomatic disputes and the ANC’s reckless policies. The withdrawal of aid could have severe social consequences and lead to increased unemployment. However, any aid must be carefully evaluated and must also address the priorities of the Afrikaner community.
The solution is that international assistance to South Africa should continue, while Afrikaners receive practical support in their pursuit of cultural autonomy. We want to establish the conditions for Afrikaners to stay in South-Africa, in order for us to make a sustainable contribution towards the country and all its people. We did not come to Africa as Afrikaners. Centuries ago, our ancestors came here from various countries in Europe, but became Afrikaners here, long before the birth of South Africa as a country. Our language and culture are indigenous to Africa. We named ourselves, our language and many of our institutions after Africa. Afrikaners are a self-defined cultural community – a people – and not simply a language group or a racial grouping.
We emphasise that through Afrikaans we also have a bond through our common language with the majority of coloured (“bruin”) South Africans, as well as with a significant number of people from other South African communities. We respect these other Afrikaans cultural communities and will cooperate and have been cooperating with them in all appropriate issues.
Afrikaners are committed to South Africa and the continent. We may disagree with the ANC, but we love our country. As in any community, there are individuals who wish to emigrate, but repatriation of Afrikaners as refugees is not a solution for us.
We want to build a future in South Africa and have minimum living conditions that we will set and work towards.
If the international community helps us create an environment where Afrikaners can sustainably remain in South Africa, we can make a lasting contribution to the well-being of the country and all its people.
Our loyalty to the country is as steadfast as our legitimate pursuit of cultural freedom and the abolition of racial discrimination against us.
This commitment to our country and cultural freedom is outlined in the Afrikaner Declaration, which was signed and introduced last year along with community leaders.
The Solidarity Movement, specifically Solidarity and AfriForum, will immediately begin developing proposals to resolve disputes over expropriation and race-based policies. Further information will be announced soon.
The ANC is hysterical about Pres. Donald Trump’sstatements about expropriation and discrimination against some people in South Africa. “It’s the evil AfriForum’s fault,” they claimed. “Disinformation!” they screamed.
This is not the case. This is the ANC’s fault, 100%. This is about their actions over the years. However, Trump said much more than merely referring to expropriation. His frustration with South Africa goes beyond just one law.
The ANC’s foreign policy is reckless. In a video Ramaphosa scolds Trump. The ANC brought a case against Israel, (America’s ally) before the International Court of Justice, turning some of the powerful Jewish lobby groups in America into a bitter enemy.
The ANC is centralising more and more and it wants to nationalise healthcare. They are trampling on the rights of a minority’s right to mother tongue education. They have crazy racial laws that prevent the world’s richest man, the ex-South African and Trump confidant, Elon Musk, from doing business in South Africa. They are friends with all of America’s enemies.
Initially, they had invited Vladimir Putin to attend the BRICS Summit in Johannesburg even though a warrant of arrest was issued for him. This after the South African Navy had conducted joint naval exercises with China and Russia on the first anniversary of the war in Ukraine, while military cooperation with the US has all but disappeared.
The world is reporting on state capture. Judge Zondo’s extensive reports implicating hundreds of people in state capture were handed to the state. No one gets prosecuted, while many of those implicated have been appointed to the cabinet and hold senior positions in the ANC and in various government departments.
And then there is the matter of expropriation. Private ownership and property rights form the core of a modern economy. Any type of uncertainty about those rights scares investors away. “No, the current law is harmless,” the ANC claims but the “harmless” law exists within a context.
The context is an ANC that makes it explicitly clear that their goal is to amend section 25 of the Constitution. At the ANC’s 54th policy conference they decided to proceed with the amendment to the Constitution.
Ramaphosa said: Land will be expropriated without compensation, and this will be done in a manner that does not harm the economy.” Gwede Mantashe said: You shouldn’t own more than 12 000 hectares of land, and therefore if you own more, it should be taken without compensation”.
The ANC failed to have section 25 of the Constitution amended. After having failed in Parliament to do so they indicated that they were still committed to land reform, and that they would continue to use policy and legislation to achieve this goal.
Ramaphosa subsequently signed the latest Expropriation Act into law. This is rightly so not an amendment to the Constitution. However, in the larger context of what the ANC intends it is dangerous though. It falls within a context of legislation to achieve their goals.
Given their intention, the Expropriation Act is dangerous in ANC hands. In the hands of a reckless ANC zero compensation and public interest become meaningful. For the ANC an amendment to the Constitution is first prize. Therefore, there is sound reason for concern that they would abuse the second prize to achieve what is, for them, the first prize.
The ANC, with a reckless domestic and foreign policy spanning many years, has alienated the world’s largest economy and one of South Africa’s main trade partners. This has climaxed under the administration of the disrupter Pres. Donald Trump.
Over the past few years, and after numerous visits to South Africa, Republicans and Democrats in the US Congress have become increasingly uneasy about the direction the country is moving into. The former Minister of International Relations and Cooperation’s references to America as “imperialist” and to Iran as “old friends” have contributed to the tensions.
Meanwhile, Republicans and Democrats are beginning to ask questions. A bill has been introduced that calls for a review of the relationship between South Africa and the US. A public hearing on the matter took place in Washington DC. The South African embassy was almost totally conspicuous by its absence. The private sector and civil society organisations such as Solidarity stepped in, demanding that ordinary South Africans not be punished.
And then came Trump’s angry statement with the ANC not accepting any blame but rather pointing the finger. Thank you for the compliment to AfriForum for being the reason behind the decision by the world’s most powerful man.
However, this is not the case. The reason for the cuts in funding that impact sick people, the scaring off of investors that impact poor people and the possibility of South Africa being kicked out of AGOA impacting ordinary workers, lies with the ANC.
This has nothing to do with AfriForum or Solidarity, but has everything to do with an arrogant, reckless ANC that does not want to accept responsibility for their actions, always wanting to shift the blame.
Solidarity and AfriForum have always acted only in the interests of South Africa. Our commitment and love lie with this country and its people. However, for 30 years the ANC has for every failure chosen to try to create scapegoats for their own crimes. In this case, we will not allow them to continue to do so.
The Solidarity Movement announced that it would engage in talks with the US government about Pres. Trump’s statements made in the US media on Sunday evening about South Africa. At the same time, the Movement will engage with the South African government and will continue to exercise pressure locally to address policies that are harmful to the country.
On Sunday evening Trump announced that funding to projects in South Africa would be stopped immediately. Last year, the US government funded projects in South Africa worth more than 400 million dollars, especially to combat HIV/AIDS. South African universities also received funding from the US government. Clearly, Trump is aware of Pres. Ramaphosa’s signing of the Expropriation Act and this, combined with the South African government’s continued international legal battle against Israel, were probably the catalysts leading to Trump’s interventions. Advisors in the White House are also currently encouraging Trump to take a stand on minority rights in South Africa. This comes in the wake of, among other things, reports on the extent of racial discrimination against minorities in South Africa, the extent of farm attacks and murders over the past three decades and the signing of the BELA Act. Trump has been fully briefed on this by his Africa advisors over the past few days.
The Solidarity Movement is one of the largest civil movements in South Africa and represents around two million South Africans and a network of civil society institutions, including Solidarity and AfriForum. During the past few years, the Movement has been in contact with various US politicians to ensure that South Africa’s relations with USA do not run aground.
“The Solidarity Movement will ask the Trump Administration to exercise pressure on the ANC’s policies, but not to punish ordinary South Africans through measures causing greater unemployment or harming the vulnerable. “We do not like the ANC, but we love the country,” Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, said. At the same time more foreign pressure on the ANC is essential because the constitutional settlement is currently being violated, and the ANC continues to govern on its own while a government of national unity (GNU) is indeed in power.The US has a major responsibility to ensure that constitutional promises such as property rights, mother tongue schools and universities and the abolition of racial discrimination are fulfilled because those promises were instrumental in the constitutional settlement of the 1990’s.
The Solidarity Movement plans a series of diplomatic actions that will include discussions with local diplomats and visits to Washington. The Solidarity Movement will soon release more information about the planned campaign.
“We will have discussions on issues such as expropriation, education, healthcare, race laws and AGOA. The outcome we are looking for is pressure to effect a change of policy, but not financial type of sanctions against the country. Kicking South Africa out of AGOA, for example, will lead to the loss of thousands of jobs. The result will be greater poverty and a breeding ground for more radical policy,” Buys said. Meanwhile, the Solidarity Movement continues to exert pressure locally. According to Buys, institutions such as Solidarity and AfriForum are continuing legal action against the new Expropriation Act, National Health Insurance, BELA and the country’s racial dispensation. “We are also planning to have talks with the ANC on its reckless international policy which could have devastating consequences for ordinary South Africans,” Buys said.
On 14 January South Africa celebrated the matric results of the Grade 12 class of 2024. Basic Education Minister Siviwe Gwarube announced that the class of 2024 obtained a pass rate of 87,3%. This percentage is quite significant measured against last year’s pass rate of 82,9%. More than 615 000 learners passed the exams in 2024. According to BusinessTech, this is the highest in South Africa’s history.
However, the pass mark for school subjects at matric level is 30% and 40% for subjects such as Maths and languages. Some feel that a pass mark this low is hardly something to celebrate. The bachelor pass for students to apply for university studies is only 47,8%.
Furthermore, the Department of Basic Education remains silent about the significant number of learners who had dropped out of school before they could write their final exam.
According to BusinessTech, one of the opposition political parties, Build One South Africa (BOSA), calculated the “true matric pass rate” by taking into account the number of learners who dropped out of school or otherwise never made it to matric, and thus arrived at a pass rate of 50%, which is much lower than the one announced by the Department.
AfriForum writes in a statement: “According to the Department’s technical report, the number of matriculants who wrote the exam is 36% less than the number who were in Grade 1 in 2013.” To find employment without a matric certificate is a challenge and it has a detrimental effect on South Africa’s economy.
According to Alana Bailey, AfriForum’s Head of Cultural Affairs, the Department of Basic Education’s performance and ability to improve remain an obstacle. “The findings of international performance measurements such as the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) and the 2024 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) prove that most South African schools are performing too poorly to be internationally competitive at all. This will create major challenges for the country’s economy and social stability in the future.”
In contrast, Afrikaans medium schools have once again achieved outstanding results and count among the top performing schools in Gauteng. The reason for this success has nothing to do with privilege, previous advantage discrimination based on language, or admission as some authorities claim to be the case, but is simply mother tongue education. Research shows that students achieve better results when they learn in their native language.
The issue of mother tongue education surfaced strongly in recent debates on the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill (BELA), which has since been enacted and is now the BELA Act. Solidarity believes that it is time to reassess the education system, but the implementation of sections 4 and 5 of the Act, dealing with a school’s language and admission policy is not the answer to South Africa’s education problems.
Afrikaans home language speakers have the opportunity to attend school and complete their school education in Afrikaans, their native language, in contrast to the majority of South African learners who can attend school in their native language such as Sotho or one of the other African languages only up to Grade 3, after which they are forced to continue in English. Research shows that more than 80% of children in South Africa are taught in a language other than their mother tongue. This is rather problematic and contributes to South Africa’s poor performance compared with international competitors.
To suddenly force Afrikaans learners to be taught subjects such as Maths and Science in their second language, and teachers to teach in a language they have not been trained in, would depreciate and destroy a functional system.
According to a research report on the 2024 matric results issued by the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), more than half of the matric respondents whose home language is Afrikaans want to continue their studies in Afrikaans. There has been an increase in this need since the release of the report in 2023. Mother tongue education is a factor that will contribute to the successful completion of tertiary courses.
The government should focus on developing policies that support mother tongue education, rather than forcing the 5% of Afrikaans medium schools in the country to convert to English medium schools. If all learners in South Africa could study in their home language, South African schools might reach, or even surpass, international standards.
The Solidarity Movement’s educational institutions
The last few years saw controversy and conflict at universities about Afrikaans on campuses, and now the BELA ACT is endangering Afrikaans schools too.
The Solidarity Movement identified the need for Afrikaans mother tongue education, also at tertiary level, and started to establish academic institutions where students can study in their home language without concerns that Afrikaans may be at threat. Flip Buys, chairperson of the Solidarity Movement, says these institutions have not been established just “because we thought it would be easy,” but rather because it is vital to have stable Afrikaans institutions.
The Solidarity Movement has proudly established three tertiary educational institutions, Sol-Tech, Akademia and Bo-Karoo Opleiding (BKO), the latter in Orania. The Solidarity Support Centre for Schools is establishing a new, independent Afrikaans school, Gimnasium Pretoria, which will serve as a model for independent Afrikaans schools in the country and will promote Afrikaans mother tongue education.
Sol-Tech is an accredited, private vocational training college founded on Christian values. It uses Afrikaans as medium of instruction.
Sol-Tech focuses on vocational training that leads to the attainment of nationally recognised, practical qualifications. Its goal is to help young people realise their career goals through purpose-specific training.
Sol-Tech students are automatically more employable as they receive training of the highest quality and are equipped with new knowledge and skills. By producing highly trained and employable artisans Sol-Tech helps address the shortage of qualified artisans being experienced in the country.
Akademia is a Christian and independent higher education institution vested in the classical tradition of universities, and has its roots in the Afrikaans language and cultural communities.
The institution aims to provide an academic home where both the mind and the heart are shaped with a view towards a free future. Akademia consists of five faculties and offers two teaching models along with various programmes.
By 2028 Akademia plans to have a comprehensive residential campus in the east of Pretoria, accommodating 5 000 full-time undergraduate students and 1 500 postgraduate students.
The institution also intends to expand the full-time campus model to the Western Cape by 2026. Akademia already has a presence in the Western Cape through centres in George, Paarl and Somerset West. These centres are used by students studying via Akademia’s part-time distance learning model.
Bo-Karoo Opleiding is a practical craft institution (similar to Sol-Tech) in Orania that offers courses like agricultural management, infrastructure, construction and home-based care.
Gimnasium is a private school, and the name reflects a classical Western and Protestant heritage. At Gimnasium, child development will be the main focus and signifies a close connection with Akademia as a leading tertiary educational institution. The school is currently under construction and phase one will be completed in 2026.
Akademia and Sol-Tech have reached full capacity this year, and BKO has welcomed a new record number of students wanting to study in agriculture-related fields. The success of these institutions shows just how much mother tongue education is valued and contributes to producing qualified young people who can enter the workplace and contribute to the economy.
How the Afrikaners are making a comeback 30 years after the ANC took power
Ernst Roets
More than three decades have passed since the political transition in South Africa in 1994. The world celebrated as the African National Congress (ANC), led by Nelson Mandela took power in what was widely held to be the first democratic election in South Africa. The celebration was repeated in 1995 when South African won the Rugby World Cup – which was interpreted as a sign that the South African political project was working, and it was repeated in 1996 when South Africa adopted what was described as the most liberal, most modern and most democratic constitution in the world.
The BBC produced a documentary entitled Miracle Rising, in which celebrities like Oprah Winfrey, Bono and Charlize Theron analysed the situation in South Africa, explaining the extent to which political transition must have been the result of divine intervention. South Africa also became the post-child success story of the United Nations – an example that the application of modern globalist ideologies to diverse societies leads to success.
Nelson Mandela present the Rugby World Cup trophy to Francois Pienaar in 1995
Of course, other than the fact that the transition did not lead to the civil war predicted by many, there really was not any tangible indication that the system would work. The celebration at the time was largely because people really liked the ANC and especially Nelson Mandela who had received saint-like status as a result of his passionate plea for reconciliation despite his imprisonment, and because of the fact that the written text of the South African Constitution was a manifestation of liberal democracy. At the time, it was almost impossible to counter any of this. The narrative was just too strong. And attempting to provide a counter-argument, or to caution against the prospects of a socialist ANC-led government, was met with aggressive accusations of racism and anti-democratic sentiment.
People seemed to forget that most Afrikaners also wanted to bring an end to the apartheid system, which was built on the idea of different homelands for different peoples, but eventually became a bizarre and indefensible system of forced separation, complete with benches and beaches allocated according to race. The question was not whether the system should end, but how it ought to be ended, and more importantly, what to replace it with. Yet, arguing that a system built exclusively on Western individualist human rights in a country as big and diverse as South Africa would not be a sustainable alternative as it would not make proper provision for the aspirations of the diversity of cultural communities, was met with fierce scepticism. Arguing such was interpreted as an attack on democracy.
F.W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela
It was a devastating time for the Afrikaner people. Everything that could be labelled as “Afrikaner” was fundamentally discredited and labelled as racist and backwards. We could not even use the word “Afrikaner” to describe our community, not because of some law, but merely because it was widely held as inappropriate to be an Afrikaner. Also, almost every Afrikaner institution collapsed – including the political parties, cultural organisations and pressure groups. This is partly due to the fact that many of these institutions were in some way dependent on, or linked to the state.
Yet, things did not turn out the way Oprah Winfrey, Bono and Charlize Theron predicted. The political wave at the time was deliriously in favour of the new South African government and the ruling ANC – a movement that proudly described its own ideology as a blend of race nationalism and socialism. And so, in a twist of tragic irony, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, a self-ascribed nationalist-socialist movement became the celebrated face of liberal democracy.
At the time, the young Flip Buys, who became the leader of the mostly Afrikaans Mine Workers Union of South Africa held that in evaluating politics, it is more important to consider the tides than the waves. Even though the waves were overwhelmingly celebratory, the tide was also clear – no socialist, revolutionary movement has ever been able to govern responsibly. When the ANC took power, they made sure to state that they should not be thought of as a political party or a government, but as a liberation movement in power, still committed to revolution. This should have been an obvious red flag. Yet, the celebratory mood was just too overwhelming to be concerned about such inconveniencies.
And so, the Afrikaners started to plan. The price of abandoning our identity, culture and tradition was just too high, even though this is what was expected of us. The New South African project can be summarised in the words of Samora Machel: “ … for the nation to prosper, the tribe must die”. In other words, for the new South African identity to succeed, the cultural communities whose members are South African citizens should dissolve. This is because the ANC and its cheerleaders regarded culture and communal identity as “backwards” and “tribal thinking” that belong in the past.
It was at this time that the Afrikaners decided to build a movement. The most probable prospect for the future, based on what we can learn from historical experience, was that South Africa would not be the success story that was celebrated from the rooftops.
We have learnt the very important lesson of the dangers of statism – the Afrikaners spent much of the second half of the 20th century building a strong state, which, first, became morally indefensible, and second, was overtaken almost overnight and immediately turned against us. As a result of the fact that we are a numerical minority, the prospect of changing things through elections became unrealistic.
And so, our circumstances have led us to rediscover a fundamental truth about the human condition. It is the most important fact on which not just Afrikanerdom, but the West was built. First and foremost, it is the fact that by nature people are communal creatures. We instinctively wish to preserve our communities and the things we have inherited, even though modern globalist ideologies are vehemently opposed to this. Second, is the fact that the only way to prosperity and success is through community institutions.
Even though responsible citizenship remains important to us, we recognised that the state would only bring problems and no solutions. If we wanted to survive as a community, we had to find our own solutions. We became inspired by the words of the Afrikaner religious leader, Father Kestell who during the 1930’s said “’n Volk red himself” (A nation saves itself) and eventually adopted this to the slogan for our times: “Ons sal self” (We will do it ourselves).
And so, the Afrikaner project of the 21st century is aimed at ensuring a future for our communities through the building and strengthening of a network of community institutions. It started by rebranding the Mine Workers Union as Solidarity, rewriting its constitution and Buys’s announcement that this institution should form the basis of a new movement of institutions. Even though virtually all the Afrikaner institutions collapsed by the end of the 20th century, in just a few decades, the Solidarity Movement as we know it today has grown into a network of more than 50 institutions that actively work in various spheres of the Afrikaner community life to ensure a future for our community.
These institutions include:
· the Christian workers’ institution, Solidarity;
· the civil rights group, AfriForum;
· the community upliftment institution, the Solidarity Helping Hand;
· the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Associations, the FAK;
· several academic institutions, including the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools, the trades’ training college, Sol-Tech and the institution for higher learning, Akademia;
· several media institutions, including Maroela Media, the largest Afrikaans online news platform;
· the property development company, Kanton;
· the Orania Development Company, OOM; and dozens more.
We believe that the only sustainable future is one in which communities take responsibility for themselves through their own institutions and in which mutual recognition and respect and peaceful coexistence are encouraged. As a result, our approach is based on what we might call bonding and bridging. Bonding implies working actively within our own community and taking pride in who we are and what we stand for. Bridging implies reaching out to other communities to cooperate with regard to the matters we agree on.
Meanwhile, the political dispensation in South Africa seems bound to fail. By almost every conceivable metric, South Africa is on the road to failure. Yet, expecting solutions from the government is simply too far-fetched. We will work with the government where we can, but we are grateful for the fact that we have rediscovered what it takes for a community to flourish.
For these reasons, the words of Winston Churchill that the future has already happened, even though it is not distributed evenly, resonate deeply with us. We believe that in some important ways the future of the Western world has already happened in South Africa as far as the crisis is concerned. But more than that, we also believe that in some important ways the future is already happening as far as solutions are concerned.
Ernst Roets is the head of the Afrikaner Foundation.
Dr Roets is Head of Policy at the Solidarity Movement and Executive Director at the Afrikaner Foundation. The Afrikaner Foundation is aimed at garnering international support for the Afrikaner people and the institutions of the Solidarity Movement. You can support the Afrikaner Foundation at http://afrikaner.org/support.
Solidarity, AfriForum and the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools (SCS) started legal action against the promulgation of the BELA Act.
According to these organisations, President Cyril Ramaphosa acted irrationally and contrary to various agreements as well as a recommendation by the Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube, by promulgating the BELA Act in its entirety. Gwarube recommended that the implementation of the language and admission clauses in the Act be postponed due to the absence of appropriate norms and standards.
According to these organisations, the minister also acted irrationally by having co-signed the promulgation notice contrary to her own recommendations to Ramaphosa of barely two weeks earlier that this Act should not be promulgated in its entirety. The Minister also made recommendations to Ramaphosa that would have afforded protection to, among other things, mother tongue education and Afrikaans schools.
Solidarity, AfriForum and the SCS, all part of the Solidarity Movement, already issued legal letters to Ramaphosa and Gwarube respectively, pointing out that the signing of the promulgation notice is irrational.
In terms of the legal letters, the Minister and the President have ten days to resolve the dispute. If there is no solution, the parties have no other choice but to go to court.
According to AfriForum Chief Executive Kallie Kriel, the promulgation of the BELA Act in its entirety is an act of aggression by the government against Afrikaans schools and children. “The promulgation is an indication that the ANC is turning the government of national unity into a government of national disunity that seeks to simply coopt parties like the DA and FF+ to help the ANC in implementing its policy,” Kriel added.
Kallie Kriel
Solidarity Chief Executive Dr Dirk Hermann indicated that his organisation was unpleasantly surprised to see that the BELA Act was promulgated in its entirety, without any of the conditions as recommended by the Minister to the President. According to him, the promulgation is a dishonourable breach of the agreement the government signed with Solidarity at Nedlac. “The Constitution and case law confirm that the minister’s recommendation, as the person responsible for the implementation of the Act, carries weight. The promulgation of a law is not the sole task of the President. The purpose of the Minister’s recommendations is to postpone the implementation of the Act so that the necessary steps can be taken to implement the legislation effectively,” Hermann said.
Dirk Hermann
According to Leon Fourie, chief executive of the SCS, the President provided no reasons why he had simply ignored the Minister’s recommendations and agreements that had been reached. “It therefore appears that the President’s irrational promulgation of the BELA Act in its entirety succumbed to political pressure from the anti-Afrikaans elements in the ANC,” Fourie said.
Leon Fourie
Werner Human, the Solidarity Movement’s Head of Operations, indicated that, apart from the legal action being taken against the BELA Act’s promulgation notice, the institutions belonging to the Solidarity Movement will also focus on helping to ensure that the norms and standards and the regulations on the language and admission policies of schools, which must now be drafted by the Minister of Basic Education, contain provisions that will attempt to help prevent abuse of power by education officials and the targeting of Afrikaans schools. “The institutions of the Solidarity Movement also reserve the right to take legal action against the unconstitutionality of the BELA Act itself as well upon completion of the legal action against the promulgation notice,” Human added.
Werner Human
Click here for the Letter of Demand for both the President and the Minister.
The celebration of an unrealistic future National Health Insurance scheme on billboards across the country contributes to the injustice towards the South African taxpayer who already has had to fork out millions in preparation for the NHI.
Nonetheless, Solidarity notes how the government not only defends the unworkable NHI plans but even boasts about them, as can be seen on billboards along the highways.
Theuns du Buisson, economic researcher at the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI), said if the Department of Health were prepared to face reality regarding the NHI, it would have relinquished all marketing of the NHI a long time ago.
“How does the government justify the costs incurred for giant billboards celebrating the upcoming NHI when it is struggling financially in almost every area?
“The government is marketing a pipedream, while unemployed doctors in the Eastern Cape are protesting, or while hospitals such as Groote Schuur in the Western Cape can now accommodate only a quarter of the number of internships it had available for training three years ago,” Du Buisson said.
According to him, millions have already been spent on preparations for the NHI, most of which was probably wasted due to the unfeasibility of the plan.
Du Buisson called attention to estimates from various interest groups opposed to the NHI, which indicate how devastating the financial burden of the NHI would be for South African workers.
“Where will the state get the funds for the estimated cost, which is between R660 billion and R1 300 billion? These are the latest estimates of what it will cost. The state does not know the answer to this question, and Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi could not care less.”
“According to these estimates, average personal income tax will have to increase by R37 000 per year. This is not only outrageous. It is impossible,” Du Buisson said.
He warned the Government of National Unity (GNU) not to imitate ANC culture in terms of which taxpayers are expected to dig into their pockets for cents – even when it harmed their own interests.
In 2025, Solidarity will continue to do everything in its power to stop the NHI plans, and a court application against the NHI Act has already been filed in May 2024.
The controversial Articles 4 and 5 of the BELA Act cannot be implemented until the Minister of Basic Education, Siviwe Gwarube, establishes a timeline and develops the necessary norms, standards, and regulations.
Practically, this means that these articles cannot take effect immediately. This meets an important part of the demands of the Solidarity Movement, including Solidarity, AfriForum and the Solidarity School Support Centre (SOS).
This announcement aligns with Solidarity’s agreement with the government at Nedlac. This agreement stipulates, among other things, that the controversial articles cannot be implemented until norms and standards have been developed. According to this agreement, norms and standards must determine that Afrikaans schools that are full cannot be forced to change their language policy, while the language needs of the surrounding community rather than the education district must be taken into account.
Any official who tries to implement sections 4 and 5 before the Minister completes her work will be acting unlawfully.
The Solidarity Movement, including Solidarity, AfriForum and the Solidarity School Support Center (SOS), will challenge any form of intimidation against schools in court.
The president’s announcement about the Bela law is, however, vague and appears to be an attempt to appease all parties. The promulgation of the act is inconsistent with apparent legal issues. It is unusual for the President to promulgate the law while leaving its implementation to the Minister.
The Solidarity Movement reserves their right to challenge the proclamation in court, depending on how it is published in the Government Gazette. We will also consider to challenge certain elements of the Bela Act in court.
The focus now shifts to the Minister of Basic Education. Solidarity has a binding bilateral agreement with the Minister at Nedlac, which guarantees certain protection for Afrikaans schools.
This agreement must now be translated into norms and standards, and the Solidarity Movement will ensure that the protection of Afrikaans schools is embedded in these. The Solidarity Movement will immediately engage with the Minister on this matter.
Solidarity, AfriForum and the Solidarity School Support Center’s legal teams have already been instructed to thoroughly evaluate the final proclamation. They will assess the constitutional validity of the Bela Act, provide input on the proposed norms and standards, and stand ready to act if any official tries to force schools to implement sections 4 and 5 at this stage.
International Perspective 3: From GNU to G20: What to keep an eye on in South Africa in 2025
Dear friends, acquaintances and interested parties abroad
In this third edition of our international newsletter we discuss the huge diplomatic mistakes the South African government made in 2024, the opportunities contained in a government of national unity, and what it all holds for 2025.
Kind regards
Jaco Kleynhans
Head: International Liaison
Solidarity Movement, South Africa
From GNU to G20: What to keep an eye on in South Africa in 2025
Introduction: After a year of contrasts, major uncertainty still exists regarding South Africa’s future
A year ago, few people would probably have predicted that in 2024, South Africa would have a broad coalition government, also known as a Government of National Unity (GNU), for the first time since the 1990s. The GNU was a direct result of the ANC’s extremely poor performance in the national elections on 29 May. This party’s support fell from 57,5% in 2019 to 40,2% in 2024. This decline was driven by a sharp drop in participation by traditional ANC supporters and the rise of former president Jacob Zuma’s uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party, which enjoyed massive support among Zulu voters in KwaZulu-Natal as well as in parts of Mpumalanga and Gauteng.
The ANC leadership had to choose between moving towards the political centre by working with more moderate parties, or forming a coalition government with its archenemies, the MK and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), both extreme left-wing splinter groups of the ANC. The latter option was unthinkable for the Ramaphosa camp in the ANC, partly because of faction fights within the ANC and the incompatibility of the Ramaphosa and Zuma camps, and partly because of the negative implications that a hard-left coalition government could have for South Africa’s economy and international standing.
The result was a government of national unity, or perhaps rather a broad coalition government consisting of ten parties, namely (in order of size in parliament) the ANC, the Democratic Alliance (DA), the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the Patriotic Alliance (PA), the Freedom Front Plus (FF+), the United Democratic Movement (UDM), Rise Mzansi, Al Jama-ah, the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and Good.
After more than six months of a GNU, it is clear that the GNU has given new hope to many South Africans, while also contributing to a slight improvement in South Africa’s international standing. The consensus is that the GNU should be given a fair chance. However, in recent months it also became clear that the ANC, especially in some areas such as economic policy, social policy and foreign affairs, has been unwilling to make concessions within the GNU. The party’s dominant role in these but also other areas, even those with ministers from other parties serving in the cabinet (such as Education and Agriculture), is an ever-growing challenge that could ultimately derail the GNU.
South Africans will likely go to the polls in a local election no later than September 2026. The influence of the GNU, tensions within the ANC, the role of MK (especially in diverting ANC support, but also how Zuma plays into faction fights within the ANC) and a series of challenges such as weak economic growth, unemployment, persistently high crime levels, civil disobedience, voter apathy and poor municipal service delivery, and even the total decay in towns across the country (with the exception of the Western Cape) create huge uncertainty in the run-up to the 2026 elections. All of this will play into important political decisions in 2025 as the ANC will try to prevent further losses in support in 2026.
At the end of 2024, South Africa is still a country facing huge challenges and even increasing crises. Hope for a GNU that must begin to show real results, or South Africa’s position as, for example, the chair of the G20 Summit in 2025, is for most South Africans not enough reason to approach the new year with optimism. Real results in combating corruption, improving fiscal discipline, achieving economic growth, creating jobs, combating crime, improving infrastructure and improving basic service delivery are urgently needed. In all these areas, the government has largely failed at national, provincial and local level in 2024, again with the exception of the Western Cape and a few other towns and cities in other provinces.
Pressure points that will determine South Africa’s direction in 2025
Economy
The South African economy shrank by 0,3% in the third quarter of 2024, despite most economists expecting slight growth. South Africa’s exports fell by 3,7% during the same period. Therefore, it appears that 2024 has once again been a year of almost no economic growth for the country, while the population and unemployment continue to rise. For South Africa to get its fiscal house in order, high economic growth would be essential.
South Africa’s budget deficit also increased by more than expected in 2024. Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana recently announced that the budget deficit had risen to 5% of national output, while the expectation in February was still 4,5%. South Africa’s public debt, and the cost of financing it, continues to rise, while the economy is barely growing, with the growth forecast for 2025 expected to be 1,7% at best.
There are many reasons for the poor economic growth of the past decade or so. The most significant are certainly huge infrastructure problems and in particular electricity supply problems (which have largely been resolved), transport problems (rail transport and ports remain in chaos while the country’s road network continues to deteriorate), corruption, low business confidence (due to overregulation, populist political statements, policy uncertainty and weak political leadership), a massive loss of foreign investment, crime, poor education leading to skills shortages and skills mismatches, and growing concerns over instability in Southern Africa.
According to the Reserve Bank, South Africa’s positive net international investment position (IIP) has declined from a revised R2 424 billion at the end of March 2024 to R2 052 billion at the end of June 2024. In recent years there has been a massive withdrawal by investors, but also by large overseas companies, from the South African economy. During 2024, Shell, HSBC, BNP Paribas, Rolex, AngloGold Ashanti, TotalEnergies and BP all announced that they would withdraw from South Africa or that they had already begun to withdraw.
The consequences are persistently high unemployment (the official rate currently stands at 32,1%, with unemployment exceeding 40% if a broader definition is applied that includes discouraged job seekers). The consequences of persistently high unemployment are growing poverty, pressure on the welfare state (almost 28 million South Africans, close to 50% of the population, receive social grants every month) and increasing social unrest. The situation is becoming increasingly volatile with enormous political risks. The ANC’s loss of support during 2024 was a direct result of this poor economic performance. If the GNU cannot achieve better economic growth, it could lead to further growth in support for extreme left-wing populist parties such as the EFF and MK.
In 2025, it will be essential for the government to bring its spending under control without raising taxes. Threats of possible tax increases are contributing to a continued outflow of expertise from the country. South Africa currently has only 7,4 million individuals who pay income tax, and the burden on this small group of taxpayers is already too high. The budget speech in February 2025 will be crucial.
The ANC recently announced that it intends to proceed with plans to amend the South African Constitution to allow for expropriation of property without compensation. This would be a huge setback for property rights in South Africa and would have even more adverse consequences for the economy. The government’s plans to proceed with the introduction of an unaffordable National Health Insurance scheme also do not bode well. Apart from the economic consequences, these issues will also lead to more tension within the GNU.
The workings of the GNU
The Government of National Unity is still in its infancy, even though most stakeholders realise the urgency for clear results. The challenges for the GNU are primarily the ANC’s position that, as the largest party in the GNU, it can still dominate the determination of government policy. Therefore, the way the ANC implements policies that most other parties in the GNU disagree with is creating increasing tension. This could lead to a major crisis in 2025 and may even bring an end to the GNU.
One example is the way in which the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act (the BELA Act) – a reform of the education system that will lead to greater centralisation of education and, in particular, a huge loss of mother tongue education – was implemented. The National Health Insurance Act (NHI), expropriation without compensation and other controversial policies clearly aimed at appeasing the ANC’s left-wing factions, who are too closely aligned to parties such as MK and the EFF, could pose the greatest threats to the GNU in 2025.
Already there are clear signs of improved service delivery, a more focused effort to combat corruption, and improved systems, infrastructure and management capacity in several government departments, especially those with ministers from the DA, IFP, PA and FF+. However, if the ANC continues to adjust fiscal policy, foreign policy and social policy without any concessions to the other parties in the GNU in an attempt to prevent further loss of support from the left wing of the party, this could lead to the end of the GNU, which could result in a massive crisis for South Africa.
A large majority of South Africans were and still are convinced that the GNU was the best option on the table after the general election. However, the success of the GNU has been extremely limited so far, and ongoing disputes are creating increasing risks to its sustainability.
It is essential that all parties in the GNU, including the ANC, present it as the best option for all of South Africa. Voter confidence in the GNU is crucial in countering populist resistance, which is also stoking division within the GNU. However, it is also necessary that the ANC should not view the GNU merely as a short-term project during which the party’s majority position must be restored. The way in which various left-wing policies have been forcefully pushed through in recent months indicates that ideology and party unity are too often more important to Ramaphosa and the ANC’s national leadership than the success of the GNU. This urgently needs to change.
Divisions within the ANC and Ramaphosa leadership
The ANC has been losing support for a decade. The bulk of this loss of support is simply due to voters not going to vote. In 2014, more than 73% of registered voters voted. This dropped to 66% in 2019 and to 58% in 2024. If one takes into account that many young people who become eligible to vote simply do not register to vote, the total participation rate of eligible voters is as low as 40%.
In many ways the ANC is following a similar path to other so-called liberation movements in Africa, such as Swapo in Namibia, Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe and Frelimo in Mozambique. In all of these cases, political power has often been accompanied by growing corruption, cadre deployment, ideological clamour and ultimately a growing rift with voters.
For the ANC, there should be only one solution to its problems and that is the establishment of a better, cleaner government that delivers services, develops infrastructure, deals effectively with the crime situation and promotes economic growth.
Seven years after Cyril Ramaphosa became president of the ANC, he is still failing to effectively control the party. Even after Zuma formed his new party, the MK Party, and took a portion of the ANC’s Zulu wing with him, the party remains deeply divided with various factions constantly undermining each other. However, in the run-up to the party’s next National Conference in December 2027, where a new president will also be elected, it seems increasingly likely that the faction fighting will intensify.
Ramaphosa’s inability to leverage his political capital and consolidate his support within the party is unfortunately also playing out within the government with constant indecision or concessions to the party’s more left-wing factions, often resulting in poor policy.
Ramaphosa is convinced that the GNU, and the levels of trust that voters continue to place in it, coupled with his international standing, especially now as chair of the 2025 G20 Summit, will carry him through the next year or so. However, at a time when the ANC needs a firm leader with the ability to admonish political bullies within the party, such as Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi, Ramaphosa is not displaying the necessary strength of character. The consequence will probably be a deepening of divisions in the run-up to the 2026 municipal elections.
Global power struggle, Trump’s America, G20 Summit and foreign relations
It is often clear that President Ramaphosa enjoys being active on the international stage more than he does dealing with enormous domestic challenges. When he attends international summits and meetings and can meet with world leaders, he is clearly more comfortable than when he has to help steer a complex government in a complex country with vast challenges in a better direction.
Since 1994, South Africa’s foreign policy has been strongly based on non-alignment. During the Mandela and Mbeki years, efforts were made to achieve exactly that. On 26 March 1998, Bill Clinton was not only the first US president to visit South Africa; he was also the first US president to address the South African parliament. In his speech, he particularly referred to “America’s profound and pragmatic stake in South Africa’s success”. In his speech, Clinton emphasised the USA’s economic and strategic need to work with South Africa.
Directly arising from Clinton’s 1998 visit to Africa, the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) was drafted in the US Congress and passed by Republicans and Democrats in May 2000, shortly before Clinton’s departure from the White House. Many of the Congressmen were present in the South African parliament when Clinton delivered his speech on 26 March 1998.
After AGOA, huge efforts and billions of US dollars were also invested in Africa in the fight against HIV, in peacekeeping operations and in countering terrorism in the Sahel region and in East Africa.
However, the goodwill between the US and South Africa in the first 15 years after 1994 gave way to increasing American scepticism, weak South African foreign policy, growing influence in South African politics from China, Russia and Iran, and ultimately a complete loss of trust in South Africa over the next 15 years.
Several events of the past three years are well known, as is the fact that South Africa’s words of non-alignment and deeds of friendship with Russia, China, Iran, Cuba and Venezuela, to name just a few problematic friendships, have led to challenges in the country’s relationship with the West.
AGOA is due to be renewed or replaced in 2025. Will South Africa still be able to benefit from this by January 2026? Will foreign investors’ confidence in South Africa be restored, which could lead to renewed investment in South Africa’s economy? Will South Africa take advantage of the opportunities that hosting the G20 Summit presents for the country?
The last state visit by a US president to South Africa was Barack Obama’s visit in 2013. Twelve years later, Donald Trump is expected to attend the G20 Summit in Johannesburg in November 2025. This holds huge risks and opportunities. Will Ramaphosa be able to manage the risks and seize the opportunities?
In recent years, South Africa has too often found itself caught in the global power struggle between parties from the developed West and parties from the developing Global South. The ANC’s ideological bias has been evident in its refusal to condemn Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine, by conducting a joint naval exercise with China and Russia off South Africa’s east coast, by accusing Israel of genocide against the Palestinians at the International Court of Justice and by constantly courting countries like Iran. These kinds of missteps simply cannot be repeated in 2025.
South Africa remains in an excellent position to take a truly non-aligned position. The country’s geographical distance from conflict areas in the global power struggle and its status as a democracy and the most industrialised and best developed country in Africa, still hold a wealth of opportunities.
Unfortunately, for the past six months South Africa’s foreign policy has been controlled exclusively by the ANC, with no concessions to other parties in the GNU. The ANC views the conduct of foreign policy as its sole prerogative. This likely means that the words and actions of Ramaphosa and the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ronald Lamola, on non-alignment will continue to leave too much room for interpretation.
Conclusions
After a disastrous 15 years of almost no economic growth, a loss of social cohesion in a diverse and complex country, widespread corruption, the decay of infrastructure and service delivery, a loss of global influence and credibility, some of the highest crime rates in the world and a country heading towards an abyss of government failure and anarchy, 2024 surprisingly was a year of new hope. The ANC’s loss of political support and the birth of the GNU, the end of load shedding, renewed government success at provincial and local levels in the Western Cape, and numerous community initiatives across South Africa that, on their own, have attempted to tackle problems with crime, decaying infrastructure and other challenges, all indicate that South Africa can still be steered into a new and better direction.
This requires a greater devolution of powers to provincial and local governments. Greater private initiatives and even the privatisation of many state-owned enterprises become necessary in a time of fiscal crisis. The national government must be reduced, corruption must be eradicated and efficiency in all government departments must be a priority.
Greater respect for and involvement of minorities is essential. Although 11% of South Africans have Afrikaans as their mother tongue, only 5% of public schools are still Afrikaans-language schools. The government’s current attempt to make these schools multilingual and eventually English must be stopped. The language and cultural rights of all ethnic groups in South Africa must be respected.
Specialist units must be established to investigate the ongoing crime crisis, including farm attacks and farm murders, cash-in-transit robberies and gang violence, to highlight just three of the most serious crises. The fact that South Africa has the highest rate of rapes per capita in the world must be declared a national disgrace. The enormous challenges involved in prosecuting criminals must be resolved.
In terms of foreign policy, South Africa will need to seize the opportunities presented in 2025. While the relationship with the US urgently needs to be restored, a healthy balance must be found between ties with the West and fast-growing economies in the Global South. It does not have to be one or the other.
South Africa cannot condemn Israel for its actions in Gaza and, at the same time, refuse to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. South Africa’s silence on human rights violations in Sudan, Mozambique and Zimbabwe is disgraceful. Selective morality has never been a sustainable foreign policy.
The South African economy is highly dependent on exports and foreign investment and is strongly affected by international events due to factors such as the volatility of the South African currency, South Africa’s dependence on oil and gas imports and the important role mineral exports continue to play in the South African economy. As an open economy with high global exposure, it is important for South Africa to inspire global trust, build credibility and project an image of stability. In this, the country has increasingly failed over the past fifteen years. Substantial progress will need to be made in 2025.
Afrikaners as a minority in South Africa in 2025
Afrikaners are deeply committed to South Africa and the future of the country. Two Afrikaners currently serve as ministers in the Government of National Unity, namely in the portfolios of Correctional Services (Pieter Groenewald) and Home Affairs (Leon Schreiber).
Afrikaners are very strongly connected to the land, communities, towns, cities, institutions, colours, flavours, languages and cultures of South Africa. Afrikaners as a minority of less than 5% of the population contribute overwhelmingly to creating solutions to economic challenges (through small businesses), food security (through commercial agriculture), rural safety (through hundreds of neighbourhood watches staffed by thousands of trained volunteers), educational issues (through their own, private training institutions) and many other daily problems in South Africa.
Today, there are 142 laws in South Africa that require racial classification, prescribe racial discrimination, prescribe racial quotas, or in some way enable discrimination against minorities. The consequence is that people who should be helping to build South Africa are emigrating to other countries. Around 20% of Afrikaners already live permanently or temporarily abroad. The loss of businesses closing down, farms no longer being farmed, investments leaving the country, skills being lost, and especially people with a love for South Africa turning their backs on the country is enormous and poses many risks for South Africa.
The Solidarity Movement is the largest civil society group of organisations in South Africa, representing mainly, but not exclusively, Afrikaner families across South Africa. The Movement is committed to working with other communities in South Africa and is already working in cooperation with many other ethnic groups in the development of projects in agriculture, education and training, security and economic development.
Ultimately, the future of South Africa will be determined by the people of South Africa, but better governance, an informed international community, and sympathetic individuals and organisations can all contribute to crafting a new, better roadmap for the South Africa of the future. This process must be accelerated in 2025. If this does not happen, the risks for South Africa will simply be too great.
Die Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) is reeds in 1929 gestig. Vandag is die FAK steeds dié organisasie wat jou toelaat om kreatief te wees in jou taal en kultuur. Die FAK is ’n toekomsgerigte kultuurorganisasie wat ’n tuiste vir die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur bied en die trotse Afrikanergeskiedenis positief bevorder.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand fokus op maatskaplike welstand en dié organisasie se groter visie is om oplossings vir die hantering van Afrikanerarmoede te vind.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand se roeping is om armoede deur middel van gemeenskapsontwikkeling op te los. Solidariteit Helpende Hand glo dat mense ʼn verantwoordelikheid teenoor mekaar en teenoor die gemeenskap het.
Solidariteit Helpende Hand is geskoei op die idees van die Afrikaner-Helpmekaarbeweging van 1949 met ʼn besondere fokus op “help”, “saam” en “ons.”
AfriForumTV is ʼn digitale platform wat aanlyn en gratis is en visuele inhoud aan lede en nielede bied. Intekenaars kan verskeie kanale in die gemak van hul eie huis op hul televisiestel, rekenaar of selfoon verken deur van die AfriForumTV-app gebruik te maak. AfriForumTV is nóg ʼn kommunikasiestrategie om die publiek bewus te maak van AfriForum se nuus en gebeure, maar ook om vermaak deur films en fiksie- en realiteitsreekse te bied. Hierdie inhoud gaan verskaf word deur AfriForumTV self, instellings binne die Solidariteit Beweging en eksterne inhoudverskaffers.
AfriForum Uitgewers (voorheen bekend as Kraal Uitgewers) is die trotse uitgewershuis van die Solidariteit Beweging en is die tuiste van Afrikaanse niefiksie-, Afrikanergeskiedenis- én prima Afrikaanse produkte. Dié uitgewer het onlangs sy fokus verskuif en gaan voortaan slegs interne publikasies van die Solidariteit Beweging publiseer.
AfriForum Jeug is die amptelike jeugafdeling van AfriForum, die burgerregte-inisiatief wat deel van die Solidariteit Beweging vorm. AfriForum Jeug berus op Christelike beginsels en ons doel is om selfstandigheid onder jong Afrikaners te bevorder en die realiteite in Suid-Afrika te beïnvloed deur veldtogte aan te pak en aktief vir jongmense se burgerregte standpunt in te neem.
De Goede Hoop is ʼn moderne, privaat Afrikaanse studentekoshuis met hoë standaarde. Dit is in Pretoria geleë.
De Goede Hoop bied ʼn tuiste vir dinamiese studente met Christelike waardes en ʼn passie vir Afrikaans; ʼn tuiste waar jy as jongmens in gesonde studentetradisies kan deel en jou studentwees met selfvertroue in Afrikaans kan uitleef.
DIE HELPENDE HAND STUDIETRUST (HHST) is ʼn inisiatief van Solidariteit Helpende Hand en is ʼn geregistreerde openbare weldaadsorganisasie wat behoeftige Afrikaanse studente se studie moontlik maak deur middel van rentevrye studielenings.
Die HHST administreer tans meer as 200 onafhanklike studiefondse namens verskeie donateurs en het reeds meer as 6 300 behoeftige studente se studie moontlik gemaak met ʼn totaal van R238 miljoen se studiehulp wat verleen is.
Solidariteit se sentrum vir voortgesette leer is ʼn opleidingsinstelling wat voortgesette professionele ontwikkeling vir professionele persone aanbied. S-leer het ten doel om werkendes met die bereiking van hul loopbaandoelwitte by te staan deur die aanbieding van seminare, kortkursusse, gespreksgeleenthede en e-leer waarin relevante temas aangebied en bespreek word.
Solidariteit Jeug berei jongmense voor vir die arbeidsmark, staan op vir hul belange en skakel hulle in by die Netwerk van Werk. Solidariteit Jeug is ʼn instrument om jongmense te help met loopbaankeuses en is ʼn tuiskomplek vir jongmense.
Solidariteit Regsfonds
ʼn Fonds om die onregmatige toepassing van regstellende aksie teen te staan.
Solidariteit Boufonds
ʼn Fonds wat spesifiek ten doel het om Solidariteit se opleidingsinstellings te bou.
SFD is ʼn gemagtigde finansiëledienstemaatskappy wat deel is van die Solidariteit Beweging. Die instelling se visie is om die toekomstige finansiële welstand, finansiële sekerheid en volhoubaarheid van Afrikaanse individue en ondernemings te bevorder. SFD doen dit deur middel van mededingende finansiële dienste en produkte, in Afrikaans en met uitnemende diens vir ʼn groter doel aan te bied.
Die Gemeenskapstrukture-afdeling bestaan tans uit twee mediese ondersteuningsprojekte en drie gemeenskapsentrums, naamlik Ons Plek in die Strand, Derdepoort en Volksrust. Die drie gemeenskapsentrums is gestig om veilige kleuter- en/of naskoolversorging in die onderskeie gemeenskappe beskikbaar te stel. Tans akkommodeer die gemeenskapsentrums altesaam 158 kinders in die onderskeie naskoolsentrums, terwyl Ons Plek in die Strand 9 kleuters en Ons Plek in Volksrust 16 kleuters in die kleuterskool het.
Die Solidariteit Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS) se visie is om die toekoms van Christelike, Afrikaanse onderwys te (help) verseker deur gehalte onderrig wat reeds bestaan in stand te (help) hou, én waar nodig nuut te (help) bou.
Die SOS se doel is om elke skool in ons land waar onderrig in Afrikaans aangebied word, by te staan om in die toekoms steeds onderrig van wêreldgehalte te bly bied en wat tred hou met die nuutste navorsing en internasionale beste praktyke.
Sol-Tech is ʼn geakkrediteerde, privaat beroepsopleidingskollege wat op Christelike waardes gefundeer is en Afrikaans as onderrigmedium gebruik.
Sol-Tech fokus op beroepsopleiding wat tot die verwerwing van nasionaal erkende, bruikbare kwalifikasies lei. Sol-Tech het dus ten doel om jongmense se toekomsdrome met betrekking tot loopbaanontwikkeling deur doelspesifieke opleiding te verwesenlik.
Akademia is ’n Christelike hoëronderwysinstelling wat op ’n oop, onbevange en kritiese wyse ’n leidinggewende rol binne die hedendaagse universiteitswese speel.
Akademia streef daarna om ʼn akademiese tuiste te bied waar sowel die denke as die hart gevorm word met die oog op ʼn betekenisvolle en vrye toekoms.
AfriForum Uitgewers (previously known as Kraal Uitgewers) is the proud publishing house of the Solidarity Movement and is the home of Afrikaans non-fiction, products related to the Afrikaner’s history, as well as other prime Afrikaans products. The publisher recently shifted its focus and will only publish internal publications of the Solidarity Movement from now on.
Maroela Media is ʼn Afrikaanse internetkuierplek waar jy alles kan lees oor dit wat in jou wêreld saak maak – of jy nou in Suid-Afrika bly of iewers anders woon en deel van die Afrikaanse Maroela-gemeenskap wil wees. Maroela Media se Christelike karakter vorm die kern van sy redaksionele beleid.
Kanton Beleggingsmaatskappy
Kanton is ʼn beleggingsmaatskappy vir eiendom wat deur die Solidariteit Beweging gestig is. Die eiendomme van die Solidariteit Beweging dien as basis van die portefeulje wat verder deur ontwikkeling uitgebrei sal word.
Kanton is ʼn vennootskap tussen kultuur en kapitaal en fokus daarop om volhoubare eiendomsoplossings aan instellings in die Afrikaanse gemeenskap teen ʼn goeie opbrengs te voorsien sodat hulle hul doelwitte kan bereik.
Wolkskool is ʼn produk van die Skoleondersteuningsentrum (SOS), ʼn niewinsgewende organisasie met ʼn span onderwyskundiges wat ten doel het om gehalte- Afrikaanse onderrig te help verseker. Wolkskool bied ʼn platform waar leerders 24-uur toegang tot video-lesse, vraestelle, werkkaarte met memorandums en aanlyn assessering kan kry.
Die Begrond Instituut is ʼn Christelike navorsingsinstituut wat die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur gemeenskap bystaan om Bybelse antwoorde op belangrike lewensvrae te kry.
Ons Winkels is Solidariteit Helpende Hand se skenkingswinkels. Daar is bykans 120 winkels landwyd waar lede van die publiek skenkings van tweedehandse goedere – meubels, kombuisware, linne en klere – kan maak. Die winkels ontvang die skenkings en verkoop goeie kwaliteit items teen bekostigbare pryse aan die publiek.
AfriForum is ʼn burgerregte-organisasie wat Afrikaners, Afrikaanssprekende mense en ander minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika mobiliseer en hul regte beskerm.
AfriForum is ʼn nieregeringsorganisasie wat as ʼn niewinsgewende onderneming geregistreer is met die doel om minderhede se regte te beskerm. Terwyl die organisasie volgens die internasionaal erkende beginsel van minderheidsbeskerming funksioneer, fokus AfriForum spesifiek op die regte van Afrikaners as ʼn gemeenskap wat aan die suidpunt van die vasteland woon. Lidmaatskap is nie eksklusief nie en enige persoon wat hom of haar met die inhoud van die organisasies se Burgerregte-manifes vereenselwig, kan by AfriForum aansluit.
