By Flip Buys, Chairman of the Solidarity Movement
During the political “honeymoon period” of the Mandela era after 1994, the Afrikaans community believed that establishing independent Afrikaans universities was both unnecessary and impossible. It was believed to be excessive as the Constitution explicitly provided for Afrikaans public universities, and because there appeared to be sufficient universities in the country. Secondly, it was regarded as impossible because founding a new university without the state’s support would be too costly. Independent universities were, furthermore, largely unknown in South Africa at the time, unlike in many other parts of the world.
However, the realities of so-called “radical transformation” and a dramatic increase in student numbers began to demonstrate by the early 2000s that a new Afrikaans university was indeed necessary. At the same time, the successful establishment and growth of Akademia proved that it was, in fact, possible. In South Africa, it is often precisely that which appears possible at first glance that proves to be impossible in practice – and the other way around, that which seems impossible ultimately turns out to be achievable.
Why the Solidarity Movement was established
There are two main reasons why Solidarity, and later the broader Solidarity Movement, came into being in the early 2000s. Firstly, the founders anticipated that a liberation movement such as the ANC would not necessarily be able to govern a modern state effectively. The Chinese philosopher Jia Yi pointed out as early as two centuries before Christ that the requirements for taking over a country through “struggle” fundamentally conflict with the requirements for governing a country efficiently.
The second reason was that we took the ANC at its word when it said it remained a revolutionary party. Such parties are, by their very nature, socialist centralists and use constitutional democracy to undermine freedom. This includes the freedom of language and cultural communities to make and implement decisions concerning their fundamental interests. In practice, revolutionary parties’ promise of government “by” the people becomes government “over” the people. The servants become the rulers.
Outcome
The outcome of nearly three decades of ANC rule, unfortunately, confirms these concerns. The ANC failed to govern the country effectively and misused the democratic system to undermine freedom. One need only consider the devastating consequences of restricting economic freedom – that is, business owners’ freedom to manage their enterprises without state interference. This has played a significant role in decades-long economic stagnation, record unemployment levels, and South Africa becoming one of the world’s largest exporters of job creators, taxpayers, and high-level skills.
The ANC pursued the path of a so-called “developmental state”, similar to the model applied in countries such as communist China, where state-owned entities were expected to drive economic growth. The consequences for South African state institutions such as Eskom, Transnet, the Post Office, and Denel are well known – not to mention the decline of municipalities and other parts of the public service. Instead of a developmental state, South Africa should rather have become a “developmental society”, as proposed by several senior business leaders, with restoration rather than transformation serving as the national guiding principle.
Liberation movements that come to power often end in poverty and oppression because, in practice, they are more “equality movements” than freedom movements. They use state power to enforce equal outcomes, with the result that individual freedom and general prosperity suffer. The procedural aspects of democracy, such as regular elections, remain intact, but freedom, as the essence of democracy, is undermined.
Moreover, the political, economic, and cultural freedoms of white South Africans do not form part of the ANC’s vision for the future. In the latest (2025) version of the ANC’s Strategy and Tactics document, the country is still described as though it were trapped in the 1980s. White people are tolerated as part of society, but are, in reality, treated as second-class citizens whose interests elicit little concern from the government:
“The main objective of our struggle for freedom remains the achievement of political and economic freedom for the oppressed – Africans in particular and black people in general – within a society of which the white minority is an inseparable part.”
For this reason, it remains essential that we also attend to our own interests, of which a world-class Afrikaans university forms an important part.
Universities
According to thinkers such as the Kenyan, Ali Mazrui, universities in post-colonial Africa have typically progressed through eight phases:
- Massification through “access for all”, often via free education
- A culture of “pass everyone”
- So-called “decolonisation” of institutions
- The erosion of university autonomy, academic freedom, and standards
- Financial pressure resulting from massification and shrinking budgets
- Student and staff unrest
- Increasing government control
- The emergence of private universities that begin to outperform state universities.
Ecosystem
The strategic challenge for the Solidarity Movement was to deliver sustainable “state-like services” without state revenue. It therefore became necessary to gradually build a comprehensive cultural ecosystem that would enable the establishment of a university. The community first had to support the university before the university could support the community.
The starting point was the establishment of Solidarity as an “80% organisation”, formed from various Afrikaans trade unions, the former MWU being the most well-known. An “80% organisation” refers to an organisation in which the middle 80% of society could feel at home, without catering to the two extreme ends of the spectrum. The aim was to move away from the failed historical divisions that had caused so much harm to Afrikaners and the country alike.
The next steps were the establishment of a Building Fund and a training fund (‘Opleidingsfonds’) within Solidarity, as ordinary membership fees were intended for member services and were nowhere near sufficient to finance a university.
The third step was the establishment of Solidariteit Helpende Hand, aimed at addressing poverty resulting from new racial legislation, large-scale retrenchments after 1994, and prolonged economic stagnation. Fourthly, the Helping Hand Study Trust was established to provide study loans to deserving young people. The core principle is that each generation helps the next generation to study, and that recipients repay the financial assistance they receive so that the following generation can also study. The success of the Helping Hand Study Trust is reflected in its remarkable 99% repayment rate. This enables the Trust to assist approximately 1,200 students this year with more than R70 million in study support. Large-scale study funding is a prerequisite for a university that does not receive state funding; otherwise, only a wealthy elite would be able to afford it.
The fifth piece of the cultural puzzle was the establishment of a nationwide network of “Ons Winkels” – second-hand stores operating under the umbrella of Solidarity Helping Hand. Profits generated by these stores are used within each store’s local area for social services and to support local students through the Helping Hand Study Trust.
The sixth step in the ecosystem was the establishment of the Solidarity Investment Company (SBM). The seventh step was the creation of a financial services company under the SBM umbrella, most notably its stake in the Afrikaans insurer, Virseker. The proceeds of the Virseker Trust are directed towards Afrikaans education and training and are channelled to Akademia, the Helping Hand Study Trust, and the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools (SCS).
The eighth piece was the establishment of a property company, which later expanded into Kanton Investments. Kanton is a property investment company and a partnership between culture and capital, in which private investors invest for both financial return and a cultural dividend. Kanton has developed several successful projects, the most prominent being the world-class Sol-Tech campus and its residences. Through its financial services company, SBM also provides interest-bearing loans to students who do not qualify for the interest-free loans offered by the Helping Hand Study Trust.
The ninth piece was the establishment of the Solidarity Support Centre for Schools (SCS), aimed at promoting world-class Afrikaans education. The rationale is that high-quality schooling is a prerequisite for quality post-school education. The SCS operates numerous projects, such as the popular Wolkskool, and supports various subject associations, including the Association for Afrikaans Mathematics Teachers, which provides continuing professional development for mathematics teachers. In addition to supporting Afrikaans public schools, the SCS also develops new solutions for Afrikaans education.
The tenth and final piece of the cultural puzzle was the establishment of Akademia, named after the first university in the Western world – Plato’s Academy, founded in Athens in 387 BC. Aristotle, tutor to Alexander the Great, studied mathematics, philosophy, and politics there. Akademia aligns itself with the classical tradition and is founded on world-class education as well as the broader formation and equipping of students on a Christian foundation. Although Akademia is a young university established 15 years ago, it is built on timeless foundations to equip young people for the future.
External ecosystem
The success of Akademia is determined not only by this “internal” ecosystem, but also by an external cultural ecosystem, comprising good schools, dedicated learners, involved parents, a culture of mutual assistance, and employers willing to give these students opportunities. Independent Afrikaans trusts and businesspeople who support the partnership between culture and capital also play an indispensable role. The strong demand for Sol-Tech graduates is a positive indication that, even in an era of race-based legislation, employers are eager to appoint well-trained and well-formed individuals.
New campus
Akademia was founded by the Solidarity Movement but operates as an autonomous higher education institution open to all Afrikaans students. This year, Akademia opened its first satellite campus in Paarl in the Western Cape and plans to expand its current five faculties rapidly. A key reason for Akademia’s success is the highly qualified and competent lecturers appointed to help build a world-class university. Akademia, therefore, did not start entirely from scratch, but was rather built upon academic work developed over many years. In recent years, partnerships have also been established with leading international universities. Akademia expects approximately 5,000 students this year, calling urgently for new and larger facilities.
The next step forward is the imminent construction of a brand-new world-class campus in eastern Pretoria by Kanton Investments. The first phase is expected to cost approximately R1,8 billion and will take nearly two years to complete. This phase includes new academic buildings, residences, and all associated modern facilities. The campus is scheduled to become operational in 2028.
This campus represents the largest Afrikaans construction project in South Africa in many decades and follows two decades of building the comprehensive ecosystem required for cultural self-realisation. This ecosystem makes a world-class, independent, classical Christian Afrikaans higher education institution possible. A language needs a university to survive, and a university needs a language to truly be world-class. This is demonstrated by the success of many individuals educated at single-language Afrikaans universities who now apply their knowledge with great success in another language. Akademia operates in Afrikaans, while students simultaneously master English to ease their transition into the world of work.
The foundation of this cultural ecosystem is creative renewal grounded in proven values. The underlying philosophy is that each generation must preserve what it has inherited from previous generations and pass it on in an improved state to the next. This is the Movement’s solemn commitment to its young people. We aim to help create a future in which young people can live and work sustainably in South Africa and, in doing so, make a lasting contribution to the well-being of their community, the country, and all its people.
Flip Buys is the chairperson of the Solidarity Movement and a board member of Akademia and Kanton Investments.
